| Official
German Documents Contradict German Government's
Public Stand on Persecution of Kosovo Albanians
Germany was - and remains - the second
biggest power in NATO's war against Serbia.
Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer has justified
the bombing and, by implication, the occupation
of Kosovo by claiming a humanitarian catastrophe
occurred before NATO
attacked.
As a Minister and leader of the German
Greens, Fischer's opinion carries weight. But
official German documents contradict the Foreign
Minister's public stand.
The documents were written in response
to Kosovo Albanians' requests for asylum. They
are working documents, not intended for public
consumption. That is, they were written to serve
the requirements of accuracy in judgement, not
for propaganda.
The documents come from Fischer's
Foreign Ministry and from regional German
Administrative Courts. They cover the year before
the start of NATO's air attacks.
(Excerpts obtained by IALANA
(International Association of Lawyers Against
Nuclear Arms) which sent them to various media.
The texts used here were published in the German
daily Junge Welt
on April 24, 1999. This is as complete a
reproduction of documents as exists in the German
media at the time of this writing. What follows
was translated by Eric Canepa, Brecht Forum, New
York April 28, 1999.)
Documents
I: Intelligence report
from the Foreign Office January 6, 1999 to the
Bavarian Administrative Court, Ansbach:
"At this time, an increasing tendency is
observable inside the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia of refugees returning to their
dwellings. ... Regardless of the desolate
economic situation in the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia (according to official information of
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia 700,000
refugees from Croatia, Bosnia and Herzogovina
have found lodging since 1991), no cases of
chronic malnutrition or insufficient medical
treatment among the refugees are known and
significant homelessness has not been observed.
.. According to the Foreign Office's assessment,
individual Kosovo-Albanians (and their immediate
families) still have limited possibilities of
settling in those parts of Yugoslavia in which
their countrymen or friends already live and who
are ready to take them in and support them."
II. Intelligence report
from the Foreign Office, January 12, 1999 to the
Administrative Court of Trier (Az: 514-516.80/32
426): "Even in
Kosovo an explicit political persecution linked
to Albanian ethnicity is not verifiable. The East
of Kosovo is still not involved in armed
conflict. Public life in cities like Pristina,
Urosevac, Gnjilan, etc. has, in the entire
conflict period, continued on a relatively normal
basis." The "actions of the security
forces (were) not directed against the
Kosovo-Albanians as an ethnically defined group,
but against the military opponent and its actual
or alleged supporters."
III. Report of the
Foreign Office March 15, 1999 (Az:
514-516,80/33841) to the Administrative Court,
Mainz: "As laid out
in the status report of November 18, 1998, the
KLA has resumed its positions after the partial
withdrawal of the (Serbian) security forces in
October 1998, so it once again controls broad
areas in the zone of conflict. Before the
beginning of spring 1999 there were still clashes
between the KLA and security forces, although
these have not until now reached the intensity of
the battles of spring and summer 1998."
IV: Opinion of the
Bavarian Administrative Court, October 29, 1998
(Az:22 BA 94.34252):
"The Foreign Office's status reports of May
6, June 8 and July 13, 1998, given to the
plaintiffs in the summons to a verbal
deliberation, do not allow the conclusion that
there is group persecution of ethnic Albanians
from Kosovo. Not even regional group persecution,
applied to all ethnic Albanians from a specific
part of Kosovo, can be observed with sufficient
certainty. The violent actions of the Yugoslav
military and police since February 1998 were
aimed at separatist activities and are no proof
of a persecution of the whole Albanian ethnic
group in Kosovo or in a part of it. What was
involved in the Yugoslav violent actions and
excesses since February 1998 was a selective
forcible action against the military underground
movement (especially the KLA) and people in
immediate contact with it in its areas of
operation. ...A state program or persecution
aimed at the whole ethnic group of Albanians
exists neither now nor earlier."
V. Opinion of the
Administrative Court of Baden-W|rttemberg,
February4, 1999 (Az: A 14 S 22276/98):
"The various reports presented to the senate
all agree that the often feared humanitarian
catastrophe threatening the Albanian civil
population has been averted. ... This appears to
be the case since the winding down of combat in
connection with an agreement made with the
Serbian leadership at the end of 1998 (Status
Report of the Foreign Office, November 18, 1998).
Since that time both the security situation and
the conditions of life of the Albanian-derived
population have noticeably improved. ...
Specifically in the larger cities public life has
since returned to relative normality (cf. on this
Foreign Office, January 12, 1999 to the
Administrative Court of Trier; December 28, 1998
to the Upper Administrative Court of L|neberg and
December 23, 1998 to the Administrative Court at
Kassel), even though tensions between the
population groups have meanwhile increased due to
individual acts of violence... Single instances
of excessive acts of violence against the civil
population, e.g. in Racak, have, in world
opinion, been laid at the feet of the Serbian
side and have aroused great indignation. But the
number and frequency of such excesses do not
warrant the conclusion that every Albanian living
in Kosovo is exposed to extreme danger to life
and limb nor is everyone who returns there
threatened with death and severe injury."
VI: Opinion of the
Upper Administrative Court at M|nster, February
24, 1999 (Az: 14 A 3840/94,A):
"There is no sufficient actual proof of a
secret program, or an unspoken consensus on the
Serbian side, to liquidate the Albanian people,
to drive it out or otherwise to persecute it in
the extreme manner presently described. ... If
Serbian state power carries out its laws and in
so doing necessarily puts pressure on an Albanian
ethnic group which turns its back on the state
and is for supporting a boycott, then the
objective direction of these measures is not that
of a programmatic persecution of this population
group ...Even if the Serbian state were
benevolently to accept or even to intend that a
part of the citizenry which sees itself in a
hopeless situation or opposes compulsory
measures, should emigrate, this still does not
represent a program of persecution aimed at the
whole of the Albanian majority (in Kosovo)."
"If moreover the (Yugoslav) state reacts to
separatist strivings with consistent and harsh
execution of its laws and with anti-separatist
measures, and if some of those involved decide to
go abroad as a result, this is still not a
deliberate policy of the (Yugoslav) state aiming
at ostracizing and expelling the minority; on the
contrary it is directed toward keeping this
people within the state federation."
"Events since February and March 1998 do not
evidence a persecution program based on Albanian
ethnicity. The measures taken by the armed
Serbian forces are in the first instance directed
toward combating the KLA and its supposed
adherents and supporters."
VII: Opinion of the
Upper Administrative Court at M|nster, March 11,
1999 (Az: 13A 3894/94.A):
"Ethnic Albanians in Kosovo have neither
been nor are now exposed to regional or
countrywide group persecution in the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia." (Thesis 1)
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