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Texts Relevant to Discussion on Israpundit of my Charges Against Francisco Gil-White
by Jared Israel
Editor, Emperor's Clothes

1.  Excerpts from Nathan Weinstock's book, "Histoire de Chiens," in French and English. (English translation by Jared Israel.)

2. Full text of Alex Eisenberg's email to Jared Israel and Francisco Gil-White, December 12, 2005

3.  Excerpts from Francisco Gil-White's article, "How the mainstream Jewish leadership failed the Jewish people in World War II," in which Gil-White denounces Jewish leaders for rejecting British offers to resettle Jews in Africa, just prior to World War II

[17 June 2006]

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1.  Excerpts from Nathan Weinstock's book, "Histoire de Chiens," in French and English. (English translation by Jared Israel.)

===============================================

I have translated two excerpts.  The first is one sentence longer than the text referred to by Alex Eisenberg, in #2. The second excerpt is the closing page of Weinstock's book, where he says what he thinks about "Zionism False Messiah."  In both cases, the English translation follows the French original.

-- Jared Israel

Excerpt 1, French original - From chapter 12 «De 1948 à la seconde Intifada», pp. 165 –185 (second to the last chapter):

 [p. 184] L’exemple irlandais

           Sans être vraiment comparable, la question irlandaise présente une certaine analogie avec le conflit- israélo-palestinien. En décembre 1921, le leader nationaliste irlandais Michael Collins accepta de mettre fin à l’insurrection et de conclure un traité de paix avec la Grande-Bretagne. Ce faisant, il abandonnait les six comtés d’Ulster à la Couronne britannique, sacrifice douleureux au coeur de tous ses compatriotes. Depuis cette date et en dépis des divergences diverses qui s’élèvent entre elles, Londres et Dublin entretiennent des relations pacifiques et sereines. Pourquoi? Parce que les nationalistes irlandais ont respecté scrupuleusement leurs obligations de boin voisinage et que l’État libre d’Irlande n’a toléré aucune activité armée contre la Grande-Bretagne à partir de son territoire. Voilà un exemple

 [p. 185] à méditer. D’autant qu’avec le passage du temps se dessinent fatalement des situations nouvelles et difficilement réversibles. Faut-il vraiment que les Palestiniens confirment une fois de plus le mot du diplomate Abba Eban qui regrettait qu’ils «n’aient jamais raté l’occasion de rater une occasion».

Cela nécessite un effort de redressement. II est temps pour les Palestiniens de s'arracher à la complaisance morbide qu'ils entretiennent vis-à-vis de leur condition de victimes. De rompre avec le culte érotisé qu'ils rendent à la mort. De se tourner vers l'avenir. D'écarter les politiques qui n'offrent pour seul horizon que la perspective de commettre de nouveaux massacres. Ils ont amplement prouvé qu'ils savent mourir pour leur cause. C'est un autre défi qu'ils sont appelés à relever à présent: celui de vivre pour leur pays. Et qui dit vie, dit compromis, accommodements, concessions, réalisme. Car, tout comme la politique, la vie est l'art du possible.

 [End of chapter 12]

Excerpt 1, English translation: From chapter 12 "From 1948 to the Second Intifada," pp. 165 –185 (second to the last chapter):

“[...] Must the Palestinians really confirm one more time the word of diplomat Abba Eban who regretted that they “have never missed the opportunity to miss an opportunity”?

“That necessitates an effort at rectification. It is time for the Palestinians to tear themselves away from the morbid self indulgence which they maintain with respect to their condition as victims. To break with their erotically charged worship of death. To turn to the future. To move away from policies which offer as their horizon only the prospect of making new massacres. They have amply proved that they can die for their cause. It is a different challenge which they are called upon to face up to at present: that of living for their country. And that which says life, says compromise, accommodations, concessions, realism. Because, just like policy, life is the art of the possible.”

 

Excerpt 2 , French original: From the last chapter, chapter 13, «Réflection faite»:

[p. 189] Une lente décantation 

Cette étude déroutera vraisemblablement certains qui se souviendront que j’ai publié, il y a trente-cinq ans, un gros pavé qui a longtemps servi de réserve de munitions à la gauche antisioniste1.  [1. Le Sionisme contre Israël , Paris, François Maspero, 1969] C’était au lendemain de Mai 68. J’étais à l’époque subjugué par le trotskisme et je m’appliquais en conséquence, en parfait doctrinaire, non pas à analyser les faits mais à les canaliser mentalement en fonction de mes schémas pré-mâchés et réducteurs. Sectarisme qui m’a entraîné à des conclusions simplistes et abusives et [p.190] même à quelques propos que je ne puis relire sans gêne. Plus grave que ces génuflexions devant le schématisme gauchiste fut ma totale inconscience de l’instrumentalisation de cet ouvrage simpliste par la poussée antisémite qui a surgi au sein de la mouvance d’extrême gauche. Artificieusement dissimulée derrière le paravent de l’antisionisme (et pareille en cela à ses adversaires staliniens du temps des procès de Prague et du “complot des blouses blanches”), elle m’utilisait comme “idiot utile” dont la judéité la lavait à l’avance de tout soupçon.  

            Ma vision actuelle est le résultat d’une lente décantation. Elle doit beaucoup aux dialogues et aux échanges nés dans le cadre familial: avec ma femme Micheline qui m’a fait connaître l’univers des Séfarades qui ont subi la dhimmitude dans leur chair; avec ma fille Tamara qui m’a transmis son vécu d’Israelienne; avec mon fils Lev qui m’a communiqué son expérience de vie au sein du monde musulman et de sa mouvance islamique.

          Je dédie ces réflextions à la mémoire de toutes les victimes - israéliennes et palestiniennes - de la violence qui déchire la Terre Sainte/Eretz Israël/Israël-Palestine en souhaitant qu’au temps des déflagrations succède une ère d’apaisement et de quiétude. Que la paix et la réconciliation règnent enfin sur cette terre inondée de larmes. Et qu’elles adviennent, selon l’antique formule des supplications juives, bimhérou beyaménou, promptement et de notre vivant.

Excerpt 2 , English translation: From the last chapter, chapter 13, "Concluding thoughts"

[p. 189] Subhead: A Slow Process of Clarification  [literally ‘a slow decantation,’ as with the decantation of wine - ji] 

This study will probably disconcert some people who will remember that I have published thirty five years ago a hefty tome which has been serving as a reserve of ammunition to the anti-Zionist Left1.  [1. Le Sionisme contre Israël , Paris, François Maspero, 1969] It was the day after May 68 [i.e., the big French student rebellion  -ji] At the time I was subjugated by Trotskyism and applied myself consequently, as the perfect dogmatist, not to analyze facts, but to mentally channel them according to my preconceived and reductive schemas. Sectarianism which has driven me to simplistic and abusive conclusions and [p.190] even to some propositions which I cannot reread without shame.  Worse than these genuflections before Leftist schematism was my total unawareness of the misuse of this simplistic work by the antisemitic upsurge that has arisen within the sphere of the extreme Left . Artificially disguised behind the screen of anti-Zionism (and similar in this to its [the Troskyist Left’s - ji] Stalinist opponents during the time of the  Prague trial and of the “conspiracy of the white jackets” [Soviet trial of Jewish doctors in ’53 - ji), it [the extreme  left] used me as a “useful idiot” whose Judaism washed it in advance of every suspicion.

 My current vision is the result of a slow process of clarification [decantation].  It owes a lot to dialogues and exchanges born within the framework of my family; with my wife Micheline, who has helped me understand the universe of the Sephardic Jews who have been subject to dhimmitude in the flesh; with my daughter Tamara, who has transmitted to me her experience as an Israeli; with my son Lev, who has communicated to me his experience of life within the Muslim world and its Islamic sphere.

 I dedicate this reflection to the memory of all victims – Israelis and Palestinians – of the violence which tears to pieces the Holy Land/Eretz Israël/Israel-Palestine, hoping that an era of peace and quiet will come after the time of explosions. That peace and reconciliation reign at last over this country, drowned in tears. And that these happen according to the ancient formula of Jewish supplications, bimhérou beyaménou, promptly and during our lifetime.

 [End of book]

 

===============================================

2. Full text of Alex Eisenberg's email to Jared Israel and Francisco Gil-White, December 21, 2005

===============================================

Subject: Weinstock all scanned
Date: 21.12.2005 07:02:53 W. Europe Standard Time
From: ajeberg@gmail.com
Reply To:
To: emperors1000@aol.com, fjgil@psych.upenn.edu
CC:
BCC:
Sent on:
Sent from the Internet (Details)

Dear Jared and Francisco,

After our last exchange about Morris and Weinstock (back in September), I didn't have much time to work on the Weinstock until this week, when I finally did it. I took my whole day to scan "History of Dogs" from a copy borrowed from a friend. Jared, I apologize for taking so long to provide the Weinstock text you were asking for.

Weinstock does NOT call for a PLO state. He just implicitly speaks of a future "Palestinian state" when he wrote "it is another challenge that they should work on now: the challenge of living for their country." (my translation from the highlighted portion below)

Cela necessite un effort de redressement. II est
temps pour les Palestiniens de s'arracher a la
complaisance morbide qu'ils entretiennent vis-a-vis
de leur condition de victimes. De rompre avec Ie
culte erotise qu'ils rendent a la mort. De se tourner
vers l'avenir. D'ecarter les politiques qui n'offrent
pour seul horizon que la perspective de commettre
de nouveaux massacres. lIs ont amplement prouve
qu'ils savent mourir pour leur cause. C'est un autre
defi qu'ils sont appeles a relever a present: celui de
vivre pour leur pays. Et qui dit vie, dit compromis,
accommodements, concessions, realisme. Car, tout
comme la politique, la vie est l'art du possible.

Since Weinstock is very much aware that the Palestinian Arabs do not consider Israel to be their country, what could he be referring to, with the phrase "their country," other than a future Palestinian state? It seems like he believes in a miracle, namely, that Palestinian Arabs would abandon their current ways, revolt against their fascist leaders (and the rest of Islam), build a country and live in peace with Israel, which flatly contradicts everything he wrote in this very book from the introduction to this page (which is very close to the end of the book)!

Also, he uses Benny Morris (The Birth of The Refugee Problem) as a major source for his book, which means he takes a mass expulsion of Arabs by the then IDF for a fait accompli, only noting that Morris was re-editing that book after "discovering" that the Arabs' initial flight had indeed been called for by the local Arab authorities. He clearly buys Morris's expulsion claims anyway though, which allegedly took place later in the war, and mentions in addition how the Israelis took up Arab property to lodge Holocaust survivors.

In any case, despite all that, Weinstock's book is a very important document for showing that the "colonial" argument against Israel is absurd and that dhimmitude has been behind the Arab stance all the way. I have attached to this e-mail the last two chapters plus appendices. Please let me know if you'd like to have the whole thing.

All my best wishes and a happy new year for us all,
Alex

===============================================

3.  Excerpts from Francisco Gil-White's article, "How the mainstream Jewish leadership failed the Jewish people in World War II," in which Gil-White denounces Jewish leaders for rejecting British offers to resettle Jews in Africa, just prior to World War II

===============================================

“I would rather have my fellow Jews die in Germany…”[1]

Said on the eve of the Nazi genocide by “Reform Rabbi Stephen Wise, the undisputed leader of organized American Jewry”[19], and “probably the most influential and well-respected American Jew of his generation”[24a], in reply to British prime minister Neville Chamberlain’s suggestion that Jewish refugees from Hitler might settle in Tanganyika.

Stephen Wise got his wish.

[...]

I am sorry to report that there are plenty of examples of mainstream Jewish leaders elsewhere behaving much in the same way that mainstream American Jewish leaders did. I will focus on the case of the Jewish leadership in Britain for the following reasons:

1) like the US, Britain never became Nazi-occupied;

2) like the US, Britain was a democracy;

3) although the British leadership, like the American leadership, was mostly antisemitic, and though the British Foreign Office, like the US State Department, did its very best to sabotage the rescue of Jews, at least a few government officials, and notably the Colonial Secretary Malcolm McDonald, showed some concern for rescue, but they were sabotaged by the mainstream Jewish leaders in London;

4) this had catastrophic consequences for the effort to save Jewish lives; and

5) this has now been well documented.

Above James Carroll says that, before the Nazis settled on the Final Solution, “Jews were offered immediate exit visas -- but exit to where?” Recently, historian Frank Shapiro has produced ground-breaking research that has answered this question: Northern Rhodesia (modern Zambia, with its capital in Lusaka). The refutation of the common belief that ‘there was no place to go’ has come late because the relevant documents in Britain were kept classified for more than fifty years. He writes:

“Throughout the world a politically brutal and inhumane picture had emerged: The free western countries were swiftly closing their gates to any form of mass Jewish immigration... Palestine, which was the natural and legitimate solution -- as defined under international law in the terms of the mandate granted to Britain by the League of Nations -- was now put strictly out of bounds. When war broke out in September 1939, it was too late to seek a negotiated solution for these millions of people. By then the Jews were well and truly locked within the graveyard of Europe. Their fate had been sealed.”

But there was a place Jews could go to:

“The mosaic of evidence confirms that vast numbers of Jewish refugees could have been saved and allowed to settle in Northern Rhodesia.”[33]

The main players pushing to make possible a large-scale settlement plan for Jewish refugees in Northern Rhodesia, a protectorate of the British Crown, were 1) Reverend Cohen of the Bulawayo Hebrew Congregation in Southern Rhodesia, 2) J.E. (Chirupula) Stephenson, a gentile and prominent British colonist in Rhodesia, whom Shapiro considers a saint, and who with remarkable energy did absolutely everything in his power to save Jewish lives, and 3) the Colonial Secretary Malcolm McDonald, who with some enthusiasm and then with some urgency insisted on the Northern Rhodesian scheme even if it meant upsetting both the Governor of Rhodesia (a subordinate of McDonald’s) and a faction of British colonists in Rhodesia who were antisemites. (As it turns out, however, most of the prominent Northern Rhodesian colonists who initially opposed mass Jewish immigration ended up in support when the situation of the European Jews became desperate.[34])

[INSERTED NOTE (4 April 2006): Malcolm McDonald was responsible for the British White Paper of 1939, which was a dramatically anti-Jewish measure that prevented desperate Jews from taking refuge in the most obvious place: British Mandate Palestine, where the Jews had an internationally recognized right under the League of Nations to create a national home.[34a] So this needs to be kept in mind when McDonald's enthusiasm for the Rhodesian scheme is evaluated. It is likely that McDonald was merely trying to produce a political appearance of concern, there to counter the (deserved!) appearance of British callousness toward the Jews. In any case, the desire to produce this political appearance could have been exploited by Jewish leaders in Britain to save Jewish lives. -- FGW]

There were ups and downs, plans were proposed, revised, then aborted, then new plans proposed, and so forth. However, as the situation in Europe became ever more desperate, a plan for mass settlement of Jewish refugees in Northern Rhodesia was eventually very seriously contemplated thanks mainly to Cohen, Stephenson, and McDonald, and then it was approved. This would have allowed perhaps as many as 3000 Jews to take refuge in Northern Rhodesia, which was much less than what was obviously possible, and consequently much less than what Reverend Cohen and ‘Chirupula’ Stephenson had been passionately advocating, but still better than what was being offered anywhere else.

But the mainstream Jewish leadership in Britain discouraged Malcolm McDonald, and kept the Northern Rhodesia option secret from the desperate European Jews.

Frank Shapiro explains who was in charge:

“Until the 1930s, the lay leadership of Britain’s Jewish community remained the prerogative of an exclusive cadre of personalities of well established, anglicized [Jewish] families, such as Anthony de Rothschild, Neville Laski, Sir Robert Waley Cohen, Sir Osmond D’Avigdor-Goldsmid, Lord Bearsted, Sir Herbert Samuel, and Simon Marks, who provided traditional, paternalistic-style guidance.

. . .[After offering to defray all costs of asylum seekers, freeing the British government of all responsibility,] control over the category of refugees admitted became the responsibility of the voluntary organizations which became centralized in the Emigration (Planning) Committee of the Council of German Jewry, whose chairman was Anthony de Rothschild and Professor Bentwich its director. This committee was to be the primary organization dealing with Jewish refugee settlement in Britain’s overseas colonies [because they were not being admitted into Britain!].”[35]

On June 10, 1939, a Mission headed by Sir James Dunnett and appointed to study the feasibility of a mass settlement scheme for Jewish refugees in Northern Rhodesia completed its inquiries. The Mission concluded with the most ambitious official recommendation, which was quite modest compared to what was in fact possible, but at any rate much better than nothing: 440 families (Eastern European Jewish families were large, so these might have been as many as 3000 people).

“It would have been expected that with the publication of the Mission’s findings favoring the settlement of some four hundred refugee families, Rothschild’s Emigration (Planning) Committee would have immediately struck while the iron was hot and malleable, and transported the agreed-upon quota into Northern Rhodesia as fast as possible. Unfortunately, this was not to be. The idea of the report’s findings bothered Anthony de Rothschild, who expressed the wish to keep the findings under wraps for the time being.”[36]

For the time being. This was June 1939, and the invasion of Poland, which began the World War and sealed the fate of Europe’s Jews when Hitler overran the continent, was only two and a half months away.

Colonial Secretary Malcolm McDonald was prepared to order the Governor of Northern Rhodesia, his subordinate, to accept the refugees, overriding any local opposition. In a statement prepared for McDonald’s confrontation with Sir John Maybin, the Governor, and quoted by Shapiro, the London bureaucrats expressed that:

“HMG [Her Majesty’s Government] would in all probability find themselves compelled to overrule the views of the Governor and of his Legislative Council, assuming that those views continued to be unfavorable to large-scale settlement.”[37]

But the body supposedly created to save Jewish lives, and presided by the mainstream Jewish leader Anthony de Rothschild, would not give its endorsement.

However, the Emigration (Planning) Committee jettisoned the Mission’s plan and had no intention of implementing it. In their discussion on the Mission’s findings, rather than working out a concrete settlement plan, the members of Rothschild’s committee deliberated how to hide the positive intentions; how to keep the report hushed up, and what the likely reactions would be to any publication.”[38] [emphasis original]

And they worried they might be attacked for this, which reveals consciousness of guilt:

“One of the leading Emigration (Planning) Committee members, Lord Hailey, . . .was particularly worried about how to deal with the potential accusations against the Emigration (Planning) Committee if they did not publish the report.”[39]

The method of procrastination became the assertion that other schemes (schemes that, needless to say, came to nothing) should be considered first. Naturally, this gave Malcolm McDonald’s Colonial Office the cover it needed to do nothing, and so

“. . .the Colonial Office went along with Rothschild’s Committee’s rejection and took the view now taken by the Committee, namely that all considerations of the Mission’s Report were to be shelved until information regarding British Guiana was forthcoming.”[40]

Your capacity for shock has not yet been exhausted. Faced with the disaster of the hushing of the Mission’s Report,

“At the end of July 1939, ‘Chirupula’ Stephenson wrote directly to Rothschild offering a business deal regarding his own [Rhodesian] farm as a means to rehabilitate the refugees. Wishing to retire, he offered the Emigration (Planning) Committee his farm for sale, whereby he would become Life Director in an ensuing established limited company. According to Stephenson, the farm comprising some 12,500 acres could support 1,250 men and women growing crops for export. His message was passed on to the Emigration (Planning) Committee and almost three weeks passed before Stephenson received an answer: ‘the Committee decided that for the time being no measures will be taken in regard to refugee settlement in Northern Rhodesia.’”

For the time being. The invasion of Poland would happen in another week.

Perhaps the most amazing thing about this story lies in a point that Frank Shapiro goes out of his way to document and impress upon the reader: although there was a lot of official back and forth about the mass settlement scheme, while this was going on, not one Jew who tried to enter Northern Rhodesia, with or without a visa, was denied entry. Every Jew who found out about this made it in. But the Emigration (Planning) Committee, which body knew this perfectly well, did not publicize this fact either.

The documents relevant to this case remained classified for more than fifty years: more evidence of consciousness of guilt.

==============================================

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