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1981-1990 Newspaper articles and news wire dispatches about Weatherman crimes, including the 1981 Brinks armed robbery, documenting involvement of Weathermen Bernardine Dohrn and Bill Ayers

Documents relevant to the Emperor's Clothes series "Obama and Ayers":

Part 1 -- The Provocateur Exhumed
http://emperors-clothes.com/exhumed.htm

Part 2 -- Obama's "I-was-only-8" Lie

http://emperors-clothes.com/8yearslie.htm

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Table of Contents

1. United Press International, October 21, 1981, 1386 words

2. United Press International, October 21, 1981, 514 words

3. "Today's Focus: Arrest of One of the Last Roving Radicals," The Associated Press, October 21, 1981

4. "Brink's Suspect Embraced Radical Causes," The Associated Press, October 21, 1981

5. "Boudin still wanted for 'Days of Rage'," United Press International, October 21, 1981

6. "Kathy Boudin – radical from the past," United Press International, October 21, 1981

7. "Arrest of One of the Last Roving Radicals," The Associated Press, October 22, 1981

8. "2 Women in Brink's Case Identified with Weathermen from Start in '69," The New York Times, October 22, 1981

9. "Weatherman Fugitive Arrested in N.Y.; Weather Underground Activist Arrested After Shootout; Guard, 2 Officers Killed in Shoot-Outs," The Washington Post, October 22, 1981

10. "Up From the Underground," The New York Times, October 23, 1981

11. "Police Raid Apartments to Gather Evidence on Killings in Rockland," The New York Times, October 23, 1981

12. "You Don't Need A Weatherman...," United Press International, October 24, 1981, 902 words

13. "You Don't Need A Weatherman...," United Press International, October 24, 1981, 812 words

14. "Days of Rage: radical politics and violent tactics," United Press International, October 24, 1981

15. "The Brink's Job: Blowing The Lid Off The Weather Underground," The Associated Press, October 24, 1981

16. "Days of Rage: The beginning of the end ...," United Press International, October 24, 1981

17. "Brink's robbery hints at radical black-white link," United Press International, October 24, 1981

18. "Major News in Summary; A Bloody Holdup And a Secret Life," The New York Times, October 25, 1981

19. "Last of Radical Leaders Eluded Police 11 Years," The New York Times, October 25, 1981

20. "Return of the Weatherman," Newsweek, November 2, 1981

21. "Jones Pleads Guilty to Bomb Charge, Faces Chicago Charge," The Associated Press, November 5, 1981

22. "The Seeds of Terror," The New York Times, November 22, 1981

23. "Coming of Age in The Season of Rage Jane Alpert; The Spent Struggle of the Fugitive & the Quiet Resolution of Life Underground," The Washington Post, November 22, 1981

24. "Phony Drivers' Licenses Traced to Defunct Child's Wear Shop," The Associated Press, February 16, 1982

25. "Behind the Brink's Case: Return of the Radical Left," The New York Times, February 16, 1982

26. "Former Underground Radical Refuses to Talk to Brink's Grand Jury," The Associated Press, May 17, 1982

27. United Press International, May 17, 1982

28. "Dohrn Refusing to Cooperate in Brink's Investigation," The Associated Press, May 18, 1982

29. "Miss Dohrn Refusing to Aid Brink's Case," The New York Times, May 18, 1982

30. United Press International, May 19, 1982

31. "Two Plead Innocent to Bronx Robbery-Slaying," The Associated Press, May 19, 1982

32. "2 Are Charged in a 2d Holdup of a Brink's Car," The New York Times, May 20, 1982

33. "Two Plead Innocent to Bronx Brink's Heist," The Associated Press, May 20, 1982

34. "World News Summary," United Press International, May 20, 1982

35. "Around the World. Ex-radical jailed," The Globe and Mail (Canada), May 20, 1982

36. "Headliners; Returning the Favor," The New York Times, May 23, 1982

37. United Press International, May 26, 1982

38. United Press International, May 27, 1982

39. "Upper West Side story. It's still the Big Apple's literary core but the trendies keep nibbling away," The Globe and Mail (Canada), July 24, 1982

40. "Brink's Robbery Led to Wider Probe of Radicals," The Associated Press, July 25, 1982

41. "People Involved in the Case," The New York Times, August 9, 1982

42. "Funds from Accord on a Suit Go to Bail for a Brink's Suspect," The New York Times, December 24, 1982

43. "In re Dohrn, No. M-11-188," United States District Court for the Southern District of New York, 560 F. Supp. 179, January 4, 1983, as Amended January 5, 1983.

44. "Judge Frees Radical Who Was Jailed for Grand Jury Refusal," The Associated Press, January 5, 1983

45. "People in the News," The Associated Press, January 5, 1983

46. "The City; Bernardine Dohrn Freed by Judge," The New York Times, January 6, 1983

47. The Associated Press, February 5, 1983

48. The Associated Press, February 6, 1983

49. "In re Jabbar, No. M-11-188," United States District Court for the Southern District of New York, 560 F. Supp. 186, March 9, 1983

50. "Pair want to wed behind bars," The Globe and Mail (Canada), September 1, 1983

51. "Status of Major Figures in the Brink's Cases," The New York Times, September 25, 1983

52. "In re Fulani Sunni-Ali," Civ., No. M 11 188 (RLC), United States District Court for the Southern District of New York, October 19, 1983

53. "A Revolutionary; Kathy Boudin Clings to Radicalism While Facing Trial in Brinks Murders," The Washington Post, February 21, 1984

54. "Kathy Boudin: a radical even in prison," United Press International, February 23, 1984

55. "Kathy Boudin pleads guilty to murder," United Press International, April 26, 1984

56. The Associated Press, April 26, 1984

57. "Kathy Boudin Pleads Guilty, Gets 20 To Life," The Associated Press, April 26, 1984

58. The Associated Press, April 27, 1984

59. "Kahty Boudin, in Reversal, Pleads Guilty to '81 Holdup and Slayings," The New York Times, April 27, 1984

60. "In His Daughter, Leonard Boudin Finds His Toughest Case," The Associated Press, April 27, 1984

61. "Kathy Boudin Was Revolutionary Who Returned to System She Scorned," The Associated Press, April 28, 1984

62. "Kathy Boudin Given 20 Years to Life in Prison," The New York Times, May 4, 1984

63. United Press International, May 25, 1984,

64. "Ms. Dorhn Passes State Bar Examination," The Associated Press, May 25, 1984

65. "Follow-Up on the News; Bernardine Dohrn," The New York Times, July 29, 1984

66. "Follow-Up on the News; Hurdle for Dohrn," The New York Times, February 10, 1985

67. "Bar Panel to Consider Dohrn's Fitness," The New York Times, August 26, 1985

68. "Dohrn's Radical Departure," Newsweek, November 18, 1985

69. "Dohr Is Rejected by a Bar Panel," The New York Times, December 20, 1985

70. "Dohrn's Bid to Join Bar Rejected," The Associated Press, December 20, 1985

71. "People in the News," The Associated Press, December 20, 1985

72. "Personalities," The Washington Post, December 21, 1985

73. "People in the News," The Associated Press, August 12, 1988

74. "The Last Revolutionary," The Jerusalem Post, August 3, 1990

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1. United Press International, October 21, 1981, Wednesday, PM cycle, Domestic News, 1386 words, by Randall V. Berlage

* * *

DATELINE: NEW [YORK] CITY, N.Y.

Weather Underground fugitive Kathy Boudin was arrested with three others in a $1.6 million terrorist-style armored car robbery in which two police officers and a guard were killed, officials disclosed today.

Miss Boudin's capture ended her decade-long flight through the nation's radical underworld that began when an explosion at an urban guerrilla bomb factory leveled a Greenwich Village townhouse in March 1970.

Police using bloodhounds pressed a search in a wooded area near the scene of the robbery for four more suspects who escaped after the Tuesday night armored car ambush and subsequent gun battle.

Arrested with Miss Boudin were Judith Clark, 32, James Lester Hackford, 32, and Samuel Brown, 41, all of New York.

Miss Boudin, 38, was originally identified as Barbara Edson before a fingerprint check established her real identity. Police also were unsure of the identity of Brown, who used two other names when arrested.

All four were held on charges of murder.

Police Chief Robert Schakenberg told a news conference a political motive had not been ruled out in the armored car heist, which he described as "well planned." He said a number of shotgun and automatic rifles and pistols had been recovered.

Miss Clark was believed to be the same person who filed a $5.5 million against the U.S. government charging federal agents tapped her phone in a bid to locate Miss Boudin, who had been a fugitive since the March 6, 1970 townhouse blast in Greenwich Village.

Three people were killed in the blast. They were [identified] as Diana Oughton, 28, Theodore Gold, 23, and Terry Robins.

The ambush of the Brink's armored car occurred Tuesday. Three men armed with shotguns and automatic weapons opened fire on guards making a pickup at the Nanuet National Bank at the Nanuet Mall, about 25 miles north of New York City.

The robbers forced open the truck, took six money bags and fled in a van, later splitting up into two vehicles -- a truck and a car -- with five accomplices.

At the crowded entrance to the New York State Thruway, the getaway truck was stopped by a police roadblock, but when officers pulled two people from the front, three other robbers burst from the rear, killing two police officers and stealing cars to escape.

Police managed to capture one woman. That woman, who claimed to be Barbara Edson, turned out to be the long-sought Kathy Boudin.

All three robbers who fled Nanuet in the car were caught when they crashed in nearby Nyack. Police found the money taken from the Brinks truck -- $1.58 million -- in both vehicles.

Brown was arraigned at Nyack Hospital by Justice Robert Lewis. No plea was entered and no bail was set. He was treated for head wounds that hospital officials said appeared to have been inflicted in a pistol whipping.

Miss Boudin was among the last of the Weather Underground members still at large.

The Greenwich Village townhouse belonged to the father of Cathlyn Platt Wilkerson, another member of the Weather Un-derground who surrendered July 8, 1980 to face charges involving the explosion.

Miss Wilkerson and Miss Boudin were seen leaving the townhouse at the time of the blast. The townhouse contained enough explosives to level an entire city block.

The Weather Underground was spawned in the turbulence of the anti-Vietnam War protests of the late 1960s.

The Weather group went "underground" in December 1969 and soon after launched a campaign of bombings aimed at toppling the "establishment."

The bombing campaign reached a climax with the town-house explosion, but the group conducted sporadic bombing attacks in the 1970s.

In December 1980 two other top Weather members, Bernardine Dohrn and William Ayres, surrendered to authorities.

Former members of the group said at the time the surrender by Miss Dohrn, the ackowledged leader, and Ayers in Chicago meant the end of the group.

Since its founding in 1969, Miss Dohrn was the most important member of a group that apparently grew smaller as the 1970s progressed. She was at the forefront of a factional fight in 1977 -- an apparent last gasp to keep the group alive, two former members said.

"Just look at the list of people," said one former member, who dropped out of the Underground in 1977.

"There's nobody left. How do you have an underground when there's nobody underground? People have moved on, given up. They (former members) are doing positive things in their communities. The ideas haven't died, just the whole underground thing," said the former member, who spoke on the condition there be no identification.

The FBI spent more than $1 million hunting Miss Dorhn, but disagreed with the former member's analysis.

In December 1980, two other top Weathermen, Bernardine Dohrn and William Ayres, surrendered to authorities.

Former members of the group sat at the time the surrender by Miss Dohrn, the ackowledged leader, and Ayers in Chicago meant the end of the group.

Since its founding in 1969, Miss Dohrn was the most important member of a group that apparently grew smaller as the 1970s progressed. She was at the forefront of a factional fight in 1977, an apparent last gasp to keep the group alive, two former members said.

"Just look at the list of people," said one former member, who dropped out of the Underground in 1977.

"There's nobody left. How do you have an underground when there's nobody underground? People have moved on, given up. They (former Weather Underground members) are doing positive things in their communities. The ideas haven't died, just the whole underground thing," said the former member, who spoke on the condition there be no identification.


The FBI, which spent more than $1 million hunting Miss Dorhn, disagreed with the former member's analysis.

[This section is repeated - SC]


"The underground worked and it still works," Tom Locke, former head of the FBI's New York Fugitive squad, said. He added, however, that the FBI has given up intense searches for radicals.

"We can assume there are still people underground that are just waiting for a cause," Locke said.

And when Ayers refused to answer questions in Chicago in December 1980 he said he did so because "the survival of others depends on our silence."

But the former member said there were only a handful of members in 1977 and even fewer now.

"They (Miss Dohrn and Ayers) could have stayed under forever and it wouldn't have made any difference. The movement as it was in 1970 is dead," the source said.

Two members of the Underground are still wanted on state or federal charges. One is Jeff Jones, wanted for a Hoboken, N.J., "bomb factory" incident in 1979. The FBI is seeking Silas "Trim" Bissell, a Seattle radical accused of bombing an ROTC building at the University of Washington in 1969.

The source said Bissell played a role in the 1977 split. Miss Dohrn and a faction the former member called the "official leadership" apparently wanted to keep the group underground, but another faction, the "revolutionary committee," wanted to surface.

The former member said Ayers was in the faction that wanted to come up, but Dohrn talked him into staying with her, apparently living on New York's West Side.

Five members of the "revolutionary committee," including Bissell's wife Judith, were arrested in Houston in November 1978. Those arrested included Clayton Van Lydegraf, the leader of the group who was Washington State Secretary of the Communist Party in the 1940s.

The five were convicted in a plot to bomb the office of conservative California state Sen. John Briggs and are all now in jail.

After the 1977 split members of the "official leadership" began appearing. Mark Rudd, Phoebe Hirsh and others surfaced, were given light sentences and are now free.

Wilkerson began serving a 3-year prison term in January for building bombs at the Greenwich Village townhouse.

The Weather Underground was an offshoot of the Tom Hayden-inspired Students for a Democratic Society, founded in Port Huron, Mich., in 1962.

SDS split into three factions in June 1969 and Rudd and Miss Dohrn took members of the Weathermen to a training camp near Cleveland to get ready for the "revolutionary war."

Miss Dohrn led her helmeted troops into Chicago for a spree of rock-throwing and battles with police during the "Days of Rage" in October 1969.

Copyright 1981 U.P.I.

==========================================

2. United Press International, October 21, 1981, 514 words, Wednesday, BC cycle, Domestic News, 514 words

* * *

DATELINE: NEW YORK

The capture of fugitive radical Kathy Boudin almost closes the net around the Weather Underground, a group born in the anti-war rage of the late 1960s.

Miss Boudin, the daughter of prominent New York attorney Leonard Boudin, was arrested with three others Tuesday in a $1.6 million armored car robbery north of New York City in which two police officers and a Brink's guard were killed.

Her capture in such violent circumstances mirrored the urban guerrilla methods the Weather Underground admired. Ironically, however, most of the Weather leaders have surrendered peacefully in the past few years to face various charges.

Still wanted on state or federal charges are Jeff Jones, sought for a Hoboken, N.J., "bomb factory" incident in 1979, and Silas "Trim" Bissell, a Seattle radical accused of bombing an ROTC building at the University of Washington in 1969.

Last December, major Weather Underground leaders Bernadine [sic] Dohrn and William Ayers surrendered in Chicago. After Miss Dohrn and Ayers were given suspended sentences, other former radicals said the group was as good as dead.

The Weather Underground began as the Weatherman, an offshot of the Tom Hayden-inspired Students for a Democratic Society founded in Port Huron, Mich., in 1962.

SDS split into three factions in June 1969 and Mark Rudd and Miss Dohrn took members of Weatherman to a training camp near Cleveland to get ready for the "revolutionary war."

Miss Dohrn led her helmeted troops into Chicago for a spree of rock-throwing and battles with police during the "Days of Rage" in October 1969.

The group set up a bomb factory in a fashionable townhouse in New York's Greenwich Village and, on March 6, 1970, a gigantic explosion leveled the structure.

Three people were killed in the blast, including Diana Oughton, 28, and Theodore Gold, 23. The third person, a male, was never identified.

The townhouse belonged to the father of Cathlyn Platt Wilkerson, another member of the Weather Underground who was seen leaving the residence with Miss Boudin shortly after the blast. FBI agents found enough explosives left in the structure to level an entire city block.

Miss Wilkerson surrendered to face charges from the blast on July 8, 1980 and is serving a three-year sentence.

The Weather Underground was split in a factional fight in 1977. Miss Dorhn and a faction a former member called the "official leadership" apparently wanted to keep the group underground, but another faction, the "revolutionary committee," wanted to surface.

After the 1977 split, members of the "official leadership" began appearing. Mark Rudd, Phoebe Hirsh and others surfaced, were given light sentences and are now free.

Five members of the "revolutionary committee," including Bissell's wife Judith, were arrested in Houston in November 1978. Others arrested included Clayton Van Lydegraf, the leader of the group who was Washington State Secretary of the Communist Party in the 1940s.

The five were convicted in a plot to bomb the office of conservative California state Sen. John Briggs.

Copyright 1981 U.P.I.

==========================================

3. "Today's Focus: Arrest of One of the Last Roving Radicals," The Associated Press, October 21, 1981, Wednesday, AM cycle, Domestic News, 889 words, By Jerry Schwartz, Associated Press Writer

* * *

DATELINE: NEW YORK

Watergate has come and gone. Communists control Vietnam and Cambodia. Hair is short. Campus protests are rare.

But the Weather Underground, a radical coterie of wealthy children now entering middle age, has continued its struggle against the system. Now one of its last members has surfaced -- against her will.

Katherine Boudin, 38, was arrested Tuesday night and charged in the robbery of a Brink's armored car in Nanuet, N.Y., which left two police officers and one guard dead.

Also arrested was another former member of the Weather Underground, Judith Clark, 31, who served seven months in Chicago for radical violence. She was not a fugitive when arrested in the Brink's case.

When she was arrested, Miss Boudin gave her name as Barbara Edson. But her fingerprints gave her away and officials announced Wednesday that they had arrested one of the last roving radicals of the 1960s.

FBI officials said there is just one, well-known member of the Weather Under ground still at large -- Jeffre [sic] Jones, 29, a graduate of Antioch College. The others have either been arrested or have turned themselves in.

"You don't need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows," went the Bob Dylan song that gave the Weatherman its name.

And you don't need a digital watch to know times have changed since the night, 11 1/2 years ago, when a building on West 11th Street exploded, sending two naked women screaming into the Greenwich Village darkness.

Police said the 19th century brownstone was a bomb factory. Rumor had it the explosives were destined for Columbia University, site of numerous violent protests during the Vietnam War era.

Authorities found 60 unexploded sticks of dynamite and 100 blasting caps in the rubble, along with the bodies of Theodore Gold, Diana Oughton and another man, never identified.

Eyewitnesses identified one of the two women who fled as Cathlyn Platt Wilkerson, daughter of an advertising executive who owned the townhouse. No one ever identified the other woman, but on the basis of credit cards and papers found in the rubble, police went looking for Miss Boudin, daughter of a civil rights lawyer.

Miss Wilkerson was 25; Miss Boudin, 26. The two women went to a neighbor's home, showered, dressed -- and disappeared.

They joined the Weather Underground, a network of fugitives who specialized in violent political action. Originally, they were the Weatherman, a faction of the Students for a Democratic Society which led 1969's "Days of Rage" demonstrations in Chicago.

The Weatherman, according to a Senate committee, was a group "dedicated to the violent overthrow of established power in the United States."

They backed their revolutionary spirit with action. The FBI has blamed them for the 1971 bombing of the U.S. Capitol, the 1976 prison escape of drug guru Timothy Leary, the 1974 bombing of Gulf Oil headquarters in Pittsburgh and other crimes.

Their leadership was of the same ilk as Miss Boudin and Miss Wilkerson -- well-to-do, college-educated youth. There was Bernardine Dohrn, a University of Chicago valedictorian; William Ayers, son of a former president of Chicago's Commonwealth Edison Co.; Mark Rudd, leader of the insurrection at Columbia University.

While the rest of the country moved beyond the Vietnam era, the Weather Underground stayed underground, hunted and still strident.

But in 1977, sources said members of the Weather Underground's Central Committee had proposed "inversion" -- a program under which the leadership would turn itself in to authorities.

An underground documentary, produced in 1975, was part of that process, according to the sources. Miss Boudin, Miss Wilkerson, Miss Dohrn, Rudd and Ayers all appeared in the film.

Miss Dohrn later issued a tape-recorded message denouncing the plan, but the process by which the Weather Underground returned to the surface had already begun.

In 1977, Rudd turned himself in. He was fined $2,000 and placed on two years' probation for his part in the "Days of Rage." In 1978, Howard Machtinger, considered an under-ground leader, gave up.

In 1979, the FBI announced it had dropped warrants against the Weathermen at large. In July 1980, Miss Wilkerson turned herself in, citing a feeling of "isolation" after 10 years on the lam; she's now serving a three-year term for possession of dynamite.

Miss Dohrn surrendered last December and was sentenced to three years' probation and a $1,500 fine for the "Days of Rage." She had spent much of the last few years unnoticed, a waitress in a Manhattan restaurant. She lived with Ayers, who had remained underground although not a fugitive.

Last year, Abbie Hoffman surfaced and went to jail on his drug conviction. Although not a member of the Weather Underground, he has said he had been in contact with members of the group.

Others, less known, turned themselves in, and attacks credited to the Weather Underground have long since ceased.

It is known that Weather Underground members were in touch with each other and were aided by a support system. But as each member surfaced, he or she refused to give authorities any information about life underground.

"Given the choice of prison or cooperation with the perpetrators of global violence, I chose to join the folks inside, for they are my people," Miss Wilkerson said after her sentencing.

Copyright 1981 Associated Press
All Rights Reserved

==========================================

4. "Brink's Suspect Embraced Radical Causes," The Associated Press, October 21, 1981, Wednesday, BC cycle, Domestic News, 750 words, by Dolores Barclay, Associated Press Writer

* * *

DATELINE: NEW YORK

Weather Underground fugitive Kathy Boudin, identified Wednesday as a murder suspect in a bloody Brink's armored car robbery, sprang from a nest of liberalism, where strong ideals and principles formed the lifeblood of family life.

Her father, attorney Leonard Boudin, long had embraced causes few lawyers would touch. He represented Paul Robeson in his battle to win a passport after the entertainer was touched by McCarthyism and later defended Dr. Benjamin Spock in his 1968 anti-draft case.

When Boudin walked into a Harrisburg, Pa., court in 1971 to defend the Rev. Philip Berrigan and seven others against political conspiracy charges, he passed a poster of his daughter.

There was Kathy Boudin, Social Security No. 134-34-8330, magna cum laude Bryn Mawr College, with rapists, murderers, robbers and the scourge of society. The FBI poster said she "has been associated with persons who advocate use of explosives and may have acquired firearms. Consider dangerous."

Miss Boudin finally was arrested Tuesday and charged with murder in a $1.6 million Brink's armored car robbery in Nanuet, N.Y., in which a guard and two police officers were killed.

Her father used the legal system to insure justice in civil liberties cases, and her brother graduated from Harvard Law School to clerk with Associate Justice John Marshall Harlan of the U.S. Supreme Court.

But Miss Boudin was intent on toppling the very structure that her family tenaciously held.

According to her early writings -- those that emerged before an explosion at 18 W. 11th Street on March 6, 1970, sent her into a decade of life underground, Miss Boudin wanted a movement that would attack the U.S. legal system -- "courts, grand juries, legislative committees, the ideology itself."

She sought the ruination of what she called "the imperialist state," and believed "revolutionaries are created in struggle and not through protest or persuasion."

Miss Boudin was born in New York on May 19, 1943. She went to private schools and graduated from Elisabeth Irwin High School. At Bryn Mawr, nestled on Philadelphia's Main Line, she majored in Russian language and literature.

In the early 1960s, when the late Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s passive resistance drive swept through the South and parts of the North, attacking a system that was separate but unequal, Miss Boudin, scion of a liberal lawyer, easily assimilated the cause.

She participated in civil rights demonstrations in nearby Chester, Pa., and was listed as co-chairman of a 1964 conference on the "Second American Revolution."

Her senior year, she went to the Soviet Union, where during 15 months of study and talk, she grew just as disillusioned with the Soviet system as she was with the United States. She discovered that many young Russians were dissatisfied with socialism and did not believe her stories of repression in the United States.

After college, Miss Boudin spent about three years in Cleveland, Ohio, as a "community organizer." She was with demonstrators in Chicago during the 1968 Democratic National Convention and was arrested for setting off a stink bomb in the Palmer House.

In 1969, she joined with Bernardine Dohrn, Terry Robbins and other members of the Students for a Democratic Society national action staff, to urge armed defense.

She was among six SDS leaders who went to Cuba that year to meet Vietcong and North Vietnamese representatives.

Later that year, she was arrested in Chicago for aggravated battery for allegedly attacking a police officer during the Chicago 7 conspiracy trial.

In December she was indicted and freed on $10,000 bail after again allegedly striking a police officer, this time in Chicago's Grant Park during a demonstration with the Weatherman faction of SDS.

Several Weather Underground fugitives have surfaced in re-cent years.

Mark Rudd surrendered in September 1977 after seven years on the run to face charges of criminal trespass during the 1968 Columbia University student riots.

Miss Dohrn, 38, surrendered to authorities last year. She was sentenced earlier this year to two counts of aggravated battery and two counts of bail jumping. The charges were filed in connection with her participation in a 1969 anti-war protest in Chicago known as the Days of Rage.

Cathlyn Platt Wilkerson, who fled naked from the brown-stone with Miss Boudin, surrendered last year after 10 years as a fugitive. She was sentenced to three years in prison for her role in the fatal 1970 explosion.

Copyright 1981 Associated Press
All Rights Reserved

==========================================

5. "Boudin still wanted for 'Days of Rage'," United Press International, October 21, 1981, Wednesday, PM cycle, Domestic News, 310 words, by Marcella S. Kreiter

* * *

DATELINE: CHICAGO

Kathy Boudin, arrested in Nyack, N.Y., in a bungled armored car robbery, is wanted on aggravated battery and conspiracy charges stemming from the 1969 "Days of Rage," authorities said today.

The Weather Underground fugitive was among four people arrested Tuesday in the holdup, which left two police officers and a Brink's guard dead.

Cliff Johnson, a spokesman for the Cook County state's attorney's office, said Miss Boudin, 38, daughter of prominent New York attorney Leonard Boudin, was indicted on the aggravated battery charge on May 13, 1970, and on the conspiracy charge on March 16, 1970. Bond was set at $50,000 and $75,000, respectively.

Johnson said the state's attorney's office still is interested in prosecuting Miss Boudin on the charges.

"Yeah, we would still be interested in her," Johnson said. "But in light of the charges in New York, we'll have to wait and see."

Miss Boudin and 11 other members of the Weather Under-ground, including leader Bernardine Dohrn who surrendered late last year, were indicted on charges involving a 1969 student rampage through the streets of Chicago's Near North Side and Loop known as the "Days of Rage."

Miss Boudin also was sought by the FBI on a federal fugitive warrant stemming from a bomb explosion that leveled a Greenwich Village townhouse on March 6, 1970, killing three people.

The Weather Underground, a radical offshoot of the Students for a Democratic Society, was formed in 1969. The group first gained national attention for the Days of Rage.

Miss Boudin's capture nearly closes the net around the Weather Underground.

Still wanted on state or federal charges are Jeff Jones, sought for a Hoboken, N.J., "bomb factory" incident in 1979, and Silas "Trim" Bissell, a Seattle radical accused of bombing an ROTC building at the University of Washington in 1969.

Copyright 1981 U.P.I.

==========================================

6. "Kathy Boudin -- radical from the past," United Press International, October 21, 1981, Wednesday, BC cycle, Domestic News, 628 words

* * *

A 1970 FBI wanted poster on Kathy Boudin, the Weather Underground radical, lists her occupations as camp counselor and swimming instructor.

The listing is a an indication of the 20-year trail she traveled from her role as a young, brilliant and committed college student to that of a 38-year-old murder and armored car holdup suspect arrested in a bloody shootout in Nyack, N.Y.

It is one of the most extreme of the life stories to emerge from that group affluent young people who chose radical politics to topple the "establishment" during the troubled and turbulent 1960s.

Miss Boudin, who has been wanted by authorities since 1970 in connection with a bomb explosion in a Greenwich Village townhouse that killed three people, was born in New York City on May 19, 1943.

The daughter of Leonard Boudin, a successful lawyer who championed various civil liberty causes, she attended private schools in the city and graduated from Elisabeth Irwin High School, where she was described as a bright student and a good athlete.

She attended Bryn Mawr, an exclusive liberal arts college in a Philadelphia suburb, where she became active in the civil rights movement of the early 1960s.

Her commitment to radical politics emerged during her college years, and she spent 1965, her senior year, at the University of Moscow and lived for a time in Leningrad.

Her stay in the Soviet Union was a disillusioning experience in some respects. She later complained that Soviet students were docile and that the dissidents among them advocated the establishment of a free-market system similar to the one she was intent on overthrowing.

In 1966, she went to Cleveland and worked there for several years as a community organizer. Miss Boudin quickly moved into the anti-Vietnam war movement and was arrested in Chicago during the 1968 Democratic convention and charged with tossing a "stink bomb." She was also named as a co-conspirator in a federal indictment against the Chicago Seven.

She frequently wrote for radical journals and became a leading force in the radical Weatherman movement.

Miss Boudin and 11 other members of the Weather movement, including leader Bernardine Dohrn, who surrendered late last year, were indicted on charges stemming from a 1969 student rampage through the streets of the Near North Side and Loop known as the "Days of Rage."

Chicago authorities said Wednesday they still would like to prosecute her on aggravated battery and conspiracy charges.

She and about 100 other members of the group went "underground" in December 1969 and planned a bombing campaign aimed at bringing down the system.

It was the beginning of a 12-year odyssey that ended only Tuesday.

On March 6, 1970, a tremendous explosion ripped apart a Greenwich Village townhouse that police said the group had used as a "bomb factory."

Three people were killed in the blast -- Diana Oughton, 28, Theodore Gold, 23, and a man identified as Terry Robins.

The townhouse belonged to the father of Cathlyn Platt Wilkerson, another member of the Weather Underground who surrendered to face charges stemming from the blast on July 8, 1980.

Miss Wilkerson and Miss Boudin were seen leaving the townhouse shortly after the blast, which left enough explosives to level an entire city block.

Local and federal officials conducted an intense hunt for Miss Boudin and other members of the group but the hunt waned as the decade unfolded and most of the wanted members of the group surrendered to authorities.

Miss Boudin remained at large, however, until her arrest in Nyack, N.Y., on Tuesday. She and three other suspects are charged with murdering two police officers and a Brinks guard during the armed holdup of a Brinks armored car at a shopping mall.

Copyright 1981 U.P.I.

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7. "Arrest of One of the Last Roving Radicals," The Associated Press, October 22, 1981, Thursday, PM cycle, Domestic News, 909 words, by Jerry Schwartz, Associated Press Writer

* * *

DATELINE: NEW YORK

Radicalized during protests against the Vietnam War, members of the Weather Underground have continued their rebellion against the system while many of their peers became part of the establishment.

Members of the Weather Underground lived a life on the run, often after being charged in violent protests. But one by one they surfaced, either because they had been discovered and arrested or because they wanted to turn themselves in.

Now one of the group's last members has reappeared.

Police said Katherine Boudin, 38, was arrested as a suspect in a $1.6 million Brink's armored car robbery and shootout in Nanuet, N.Y., that left two policemen and a Brink's guard dead.

Also arrested was another member of the Weather Under-ground, Judith Clark, 31, who served seven months in Chicago for radical violence. She was not a fugitive when arrested in the Brink's case.

When she was arrested, Miss Boudin gave her name as Bar-bara Edson. But her fingerprints gave her away and officials announced Wednesday that they had arrested one of the last roving radicals of the 1960s.

FBI officials said there is just one, well-known member of the Weather Underground still at large -- Jeffrey Jones, 29, a graduate of Antioch College.

"You don't need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows," went the Bob Dylan song that gave the Weatherman its name.

And you don't need a digital watch to know times have changed since the night, 11 1/2 years ago, when a building on West 11th Street exploded, sending two naked women screaming into the Greenwich Village darkness.

Police said the 19th century brownstone was a bomb factory. Rumor had it the explosives were destined for Columbia University, site of numerous violent protests during the Vietnam War era.

Authorities found 60 unexploded sticks of dynamite and 100 blasting caps in the rubble, along with the bodies of Theodore Gold, Diana Oughton and another man never identified.

Eyewitnesses identified one of the two women who fled as Cathlyn Platt Wilkerson, daughter of an advertising executive who owned the townhouse. No one ever identified the other woman, but on the basis of credit cards and papers found in the rubble, police went looking for Miss Boudin, daughter of a civil rights lawyer.

Miss Wilkerson was 25; Miss Boudin, 26. The two women went to a neighbor's home, showered, dressed -- and disappeared.

They joined the Weather Underground, a network of fugitives who specialized in violent political action. Originally, they were the Weatherman, a faction of the Students for a Democratic Society which led 1969's "Days of Rage" demonstrations in Chicago.

The Weatherman, according to a Senate committee, was a group "dedicated to the violent overthrow of established power in the United States."

They backed their revolutionary spirit with action. The FBI has blamed them for the 1971 bombing of the U.S. Capitol, the 1976 prison escape of drug guru Timothy Leary, the 1974 bombing of Gulf Oil headquarters in Pittsburgh and other crimes.

Their leadership was of the same ilk as Miss Boudin and Miss Wilkerson -- well-to-do, college-educated youth. There was Bernardine Dohrn, a University of Chicago valedictorian; William Ayers, son of a former president of Chicago's Commonwealth Edison Co.; Mark Rudd, leader of the insurrection at Columbia University.

While the rest of the country moved beyond the Vietnam era, the Weather Underground stayed underground, hunted and still strident.

But in 1977, sources said members of the Weather Under-ground's Central Committee had proposed "inversion" -- a program under which the leadership would turn itself in to authorities.

An underground documentary, produced in 1975, was part of that process, according to the sources. Miss Boudin, Miss Wilkerson, Miss Dohrn, Rudd and Ayers all appeared in the film.

Miss Dohrn later issued a tape-recorded message denouncing the plan, but the process by which the Weather Under-ground returned to the surface had already begun.

In 1977, Rudd turned himself in. He was fined $2,000 and placed on two years' probation for his part in the "Days of Rage." In 1978, Howard Machtinger, considered an under-ground leader, gave up.

In 1979, the FBI announced it had dropped warrants against the Weathermen at large. In July 1980, Miss Wilkerson turned herself in, citing a feeling of "isolation" after 10 years on the lam; she's now serving a three-year term for possession of dynamite.

Miss Dohrn surrendered last December and was sentenced to three years' probation and a $1,500 fine for the "Days of Rage." She had spent much of the last few years unnoticed, a waitress in a Manhattan restaurant. She lived with Ayers, who had remained underground although not a fugitive.

Last year, Abbie Hoffman surfaced and went to jail on his drug conviction. Although not a member of the Weather Underground, he has said he had been in contact with members of the group.

Others, less known, turned themselves in, and attacks credited to the Weather Underground have long since ceased.

It is known that Weather Underground members were in touch with each other and were aided by a support system. But as each member surfaced, he or she refused to give authorities any information about life underground.

"Given the choice of prison or cooperation with the perpetrators of global violence, I chose to join the folks inside, for they are my people," Miss Wilkerson said after her sentencing.

Copyright 1981 Associated Press
All Rights Reserved

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8. "2 Women in Brink's Case Identified with Weathermen from Start in '69," The New York Times, October 22, 1981, Thursday, Late City Final Edition, Section B; Page 4, Column 1; Metropolitan Desk, 1723 words, by Paul L. Montgomery

* * *

The lives of the two women arrested in the Brink's robbery in Nanuet, N.Y. -- Katherine Boudin and Judith Alice Clark -- had been entwined with the terrorist Weathermen movement since its inception in 1969. But they had apparently gone separate ways since the armed band of 40 or so radicals went underground in 1970.

Miss Boudin, 38 years old, had fled with Cathlyn P. Wilkerson from an explosion at a Weathermen bomb factory in Greenwich Village on March 6, 1970, and had eluded the authorities since.

As arrests and retirements whittled down the movement to its present strength of perhaps 15, she remained one of its leaders and one of its enigmas, apparently maintaining a commitment to armed violence while most of her comrades turned themselves in and returned to work in the world they had denounced as corrupt.

Both Drawn to Radicalism

Miss Clark, 31, had been indicted with Miss Boudin in 1969 in connection with the Weathermen's "Days of Rage" demonstrations in Chicago, and like her she had jumped bail. She was captured by the Federal Bureau of Investigation at an East Side movie theater in December 1970 and served an 18-month prison sentence in Chicago. Thereafter her life was apparently above ground.

She lived on West 97th Street, reportedly worked in a bookstore and participated in a civil suit against former President Richard M. Nixon in 1978 charging illegal wiretapping. The case is still pending. Miss Clark also was active in the radical May 19 Coalition.

Both women are from well-to-do families and attended good colleges; Miss Boudin went to Bryn Mawr and Miss Clark to the University of Chicago. Both turned away from established values to the disorder and violence that characterized the late 1960's in the United States, a period that has largely been replaced by other concerns.

Dozens of Bombings

The Weathermen, who were responsible for several dozen bombings of public buildings and at least five deaths before they stopped open terrorism in 1975, were the last violent remnant of Students for a Democratic Society, a mass movement among college youth that grew out of the civil rights and anti-Vietnam War struggles of the 1960's.

To many, the movement seemed irrelevant to the 1980's, though the last few members still lived a fugitive life in cells of three or four, issuing occasional manifestos on guerrilla warfare and radical feminism. Until yesterday most of the only news the Weathermen had made since 1975 was when another of their leaders surrendered to authorities to begin life again above ground.

In recent years authorities had sought links between the remaining Weather Underground and the outlaw Black Liberation Army, a group that had participated in the murder of policemen around the country.

Chesimard Escape Mentioned

An investigator in the Essex County Prosecutor's office said there was considerable speculation that the Weathermen had assisted in the escape of Joanne Chesimard, the Black Liberation Army leader, from a New Jersey prison two years ago. Miss Clark had been seen at a hearing in Manhattan Criminal Court several years ago involving Miss Chesimard. This was before Miss Chesimard's imprisonment.

Miss Boudin was born in New York City on May 19, 1943 and attended private schools here. Her father is Leonard B. Boudin, a prominent civil liberties lawyer who has defended many radicals; I.F. Stone, the writer, is an uncle. Miss Boudin was graduated with honors in Russian literature from Bryn Mawr in 1965 and spent her senior year studying in the Soviet Union.

She had worked in the civil rights movement in Cambridge, Md., in 1963 and after graduation moved to Cleveland to work as a community organizer in a Students for a Democratic Society project. Through the years she moved up in the student movement's leadership and was arrested at the 1968 Democratic Convention in Chicago, charged with throwing stink bombs into the lobby of the Conrad Hilton Hotel.

The next year, 1969, was the year of turmoil for the student movement. Factions developed around a variety of ideologies: revolutionary violence, nonviolence, organization of workers instead of middle-class students, alliance with the Black Panthers. Each issue produced a further split and by the fall the movement was in disarray. The most visible remnant was the Weathermen, adopting their name from a line in Bob Dylan's 1965 song "Subterranean Homesick Blues": "You don't need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows."

The Weathermen, who later changed their name to Weather-people and then Weather Underground because of the sexism involved in the original, wore leather jackets and crash helmets and carried clubs and chains at demonstrations they vowed would be violent.

Against 'Everything That's Good'

"We are against everything that's good and decent in honky America," said an early manifesto. "We will loot and burn and destroy. We are the incubation of your mothers' nightmares."

Miss Clark was born in Brooklyn on Nov. 23, 1949 and entered the University of Chicago in 1967. It was in 1969 that she became associated with the Weathermen. She had been expelled from the University of Chicago earlier that year for participating in a demonstration.

The climax of the "Days of Rage" demonstrations was a charge by 100 women in crash helmets, swinging clubs, on an armed forces induction center in Chicago on Oct. 9, 1969. In the ranks were Miss Boudin, Miss Clark, Miss Wilkerson, Bernardine Dohrn and others whose names and pictures were to appear on wanted posters around the nation. Miss Boudin and Miss Clark were among those arrested and released on bail, and neither appeared for trial the next spring.

The explosion at a townhouse owned by Miss Wilkerson's father at 18 West 11th Street on March 6, 1970 changed the radical movement profoundly. The Weathermen lost stature as a result of the accident and were driven underground.

According to later accounts, a group of at least eight from the movement were in the house while Mr. Wilkerson was on vacation. There were at least 60 sticks of dynamite in the basement workshop. Apparently someone misconnected a wire while making what were later described by the Weathermen as "antipersonnel" bombs.

Three people were killed instantly --Ted Gold, 23, a leader of the 1968 Columbia student rebellion; Diana Oughton, 28, a former member of the Peace Corps and daughter of a banker; and Terry Robbins, 21, a former Kenyon College student and a leader of the faction.

Two Disappear After Blast

Miss Wilkerson and her friend Miss Boudin were upstairs when the explosions rocked the building and were driven naked and dazed into the street. After a neighbor gave them clothes, they got into a taxi and disappeared.

The Weathermen took responsibility for at least 20 bombings between 1970 and 1975, including explosions at Police Headquarters here in 1970, the United States Capitol in 1971 and the State Department in 1975.

Miss Clark in the meantime had been arrested. She was attending a movie on the East Side on Dec. 17, 1970, near the headquarters of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and was recognized by the agent in charge of her case. She was returned to Chicago and sentenced to 18 months in prison.

Convictions Are Upset

Four years later the "Days of Rage" convictions were voided because the F.B.I. had used burglaries, mail openings and illegal wiretaps in obtaining them, and Miss Clark joined in a suit against Mr. Nixon and his aides.

Miss Clark's last known radical association was with the two-year old May 19 Coalition, named for the joint birthday of Malcolm X and Ho Chi Minh. The coalition was said to be a violence-prone faction inspired by the Weather Underground's "Prairie Fire," a guerrilla warfare manual published in 1974. The manual begins, "We are a guerrilla organization. We are Communist women and men, underground in the United States for more than four years."

According to New York police sources, Eve S. Rosahn, the owner of record of one of the cars used in the robbery Monday, was also associated with the May 19 Coalition. Miss Rosahn, who is being sought by the police, is a 30-year-old former Barnard College student who had a record of several arrests in protests.

Around 1975 some leaders of the Weathermen began to talk of alternatives to violence, and in 1977 there apparently was a split between members favoring legal public action and those who wanted to remain clandestine and violent. Little is known about the life of the members in those years.

In 1977 Mark Rudd, the leader of the 1968 Columbia University takeovers and subsequently a member of the Weathermen, became the first of the movement's leaders to surrender. He was fined $2,000 and given two years' probation; he now is a teacher at a technical school in Albuquerque, N.M.

In November 1978, five adherents of the Weather Underground were arrested in Houston and later convicted of conspiring to bomb the offices of a conservative California state senator. All are now in jail.

In the summer of 1980, Miss Wilkerson surrended in New York. She pleaded guilty to possession of dynamite and. began a three-year sentence last January. She is currently in the state prison at Bedford Hills.

Last Dec. 3 in Chicago, Miss Dohrn surrendered and was fined $1,500 and placed on probation for three years. According to Federal authorities, there are still active cases against four members of the movement. They are Jeff Jones and his common-law wife, Eleanor Raskin, wanted in connection with a bomb explosion in Hoboken, N.J., in 1979; Katherine Ann Power, wanted for bank robbery and murder; and Silas Trim Bissell, accused of bombing a Reserve Officers Training Corps building at the University of Washington in 1969.

GRAPHIC: Illustrations: photo of Katherine Boudin in 1970 photo of William Kunstler, Leonard and Jean Boudin

Copyright 1981 The New York Times Company

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9. "Weatherman Fugitive Arrested in N.Y.; Weather Underground Activist Arrested After Shootout; Guard, 2 Officers Killed in Shoot-Outs," The Washington Post, October 22, 1981, Thursday, Final Edition, First Section; A1, 1290 words, by Joyce Wadler, Washington Post Staff Writer

* * *

DATELINE: NEW YORK, Oct. 21, 1981

Weather Underground activist Katherine Boudin -- a fugitive for 11 years -- was captured Tuesday night after a bloody armed robbery in a New York City suburb that left two police officers and one armed guard dead.

Arrested with Boudin was Judith Clark, a Weatherman who served time for her participation in the 1969 "Days of Rage" in Chicago, and two men whose political backgrounds are un-known. Other suspects are still being sought.

Police declined to speculate on the motives for the robbery, except to say they "have not ruled out" political ones. After the identification of Boudin and Clark today, police raided what they said was a New Jersey bomb factory where diagrams of six New York police precincts were found.

The FBI also is taking an active interest in the case because "there have been other bank robberies in upstate New York with a similar MO," FBI spokesman Lane Bonner said.

The four arrested have been charged with three counts of murder after a robbery, and charges related to the police chase and shoot-out in Rockland County, an affluent area 25 miles north of here.

In the $1.6 million robbery, three men armed with shotguns and automatic weapons opened fire on a Brink's truck outside a bank, and later fled, with their accomplices, in a car and a truck.

The truck -- in which Boudin was reportedly riding -- was stopped at a roadblock by police. Two police officers were killed in the gunfire that followed. Three robbers escaped, stealing cars to do so.

As Boudin ran north on the southbound lane of a freeway, she was captured by off-duty officer Michael Koch. Koch, who frisked and cuffed her, said Boudin was unarmed and seemed concerned for her safety.

"She was yelling, 'Don't shoot me; he shot them. I didn't,' " Koch said. The suspect refused to say anything more, he said.

Koch described the shoot-out scene as "chaos" and said the robbers "shot directly at passengers in cars, they could care less."

He said he was preoccupied with a mortally wounded policeman at his feet.

"An officer died when I was trying to revive him . . . . He lay on the ground with a chest wound . . . with his lungs hanging out . . . . An officer was shot at point-blank range.

"I didn't sleep all night, it bothered me, what can I say . . . . "

Boudin, 38, who gave a pseudonym at the time of her arrest, was later identified by police through a fingerprint check.

She is being held without bail with the other suspects, Clark, 32; James Lester Hackford, 31, and Samuel Brown, 41. Brown, according to a report by United Press International, has a "lengthy criminal record that included a robbery conviction."

The robbery took place Tuesday afternoon and shocked the small community of Nyack, which lost two of its 22-officer police force in the shoot-out at a roadblock about five miles from the site of the holdup, the Nanuet National Bank.

A Brink's truck, with three armed guards, had just made a pick-up there, when, according to witnesses, three men armed with shotguns and automatic weapons opened fire on the guards as they made their way to their truck. One guard was killed, one was wounded in the head, and the third was shot in the shoulder.

The robbers, driving off in a van, took $1.6 million with them, police said.

The robbers, according to police, later split up and drove off in two vehicles, a U-Haul truck and a car. The truck was stopped at a police roadblock on the New York State Thruway.

Witnesses said that when police stopped the vehicle, and pulled two suspects from the front, they were surprised by three others who burst from the rear and opened fire.

The New York Times quoted one bystander who witnessed the shooting of a local officer, 45-year-old Waverly Brown, known as "Chipper."

"The door swung open and one came out shooting and shot Chipper," he said.

Another described the shooting of the second officer, Sgt. Edward O'Grady.

"They shot him in the back -- they didn't have to do that."

The suspects then commandeered cars, throwing out passengers, and escaped.

Police, however, recovered the stolen money from other vehicles used in the bank robbery.

There seems to be evidence that the robbery did indeed have political connotations -- from both sources inside the police and persons familiar with the radical left. Police and FBI officials said the holdup had led them to a raid on a bomb factory in East Orange, N.J., that uncovered a manual on the construction of bombs as well as diagrams of six area police precincts.

One of the cars used in the robbery attempt, a white Oldsmobile, was reportedly traced to that apartment. Another car used in the robbery, a Honda, was reportedly registered to a woman who had been arrested last month during a clash between police and anti-apartheid demonstrators at Kennedy Airport.

And a source familiar with the old radical left and once a part of its workings told The Washington Post that Boudin and Clark were, to the best of his knowledge, part of a splinter group of the Weathermen that had decided to stay below ground, rather than give themselves up.

He also said that while Boudin was the better known of the Weathermen, "Judith Clark is the leader who would have out-ranked Kathy Boudin." Clark was heavily involved with the Weatherman Central Committee, he said.

The source said that the Weathermen had apparently split two years ago over "inversion -- the policy of surfacing and coming up and continuing the struggle" -- or remaining underground, and that "the schism was also over the use of violent means, as well as some minor left-wing ideological fights."

He could not elaborate on "violent means" but said that the Weathermen had divided into at least two groups.

The "Prairie Fire" group, which advocated surfacing, had included "many of the names the public associates with the Weathermen," the source said, such as Bernardine Dohrn, Mark Rudd and Bill Ayers.

Both Boudin and Clark are believed to have belonged to the other main group, the "May 19th Movement," which takes its name from the birthdates of Ho Chi Minh and Malcolm X.

Boudin is the daughter of prominent attorney Leonard Boudin, who has represented persons identified with radical causes. Leonard Boudin's New York office this morning told callers he "has no comment" and "he's unavailable."

Katherine Boudin had been sought for 11 years in connection with an explosion that leveled a Greenwich Village town-house. She had been indicted with Clark in the Chicago "Days of Rage" and, at one time, was on the FBI's most wanted list.

In Washington, FBI spokesman Bonner said a FBI warrant charging her with "unlawful interstate flight to avoid prosecution for mob action" had been dismissed in May, 1979. Cook County, Ill., authorities said today they are still interested in prosecuting Boudin on aggravated battery and conspiracy charges stemming from her 1968 Chicago Democratic National Convention activities.

Whether there are other outstanding charges against Boudin, such as any state charges pending in New York, could not be determined.

Similarly, little is known at this time about Clark, and whether she was forced to go underground, or, like some Weather activists, did so in order not to become involved with grand jury or other police investigations.

Born in New York City, Clark was 21 when she was indicted in 1970 for violation of a federal anti-riot law.

One year later the government admitted it had tapped her phone "during the course of a national security surveillance of a telephone installation to which she initiated calls or from which calls were initiated to her." Clark filed a suit against the government in 1978. At the time of her arrest yesterday, she was reportedly living in Manhattan.

GRAPHIC: Picture 1, Plainclothes officers leads Katherine Boudin into police station. AP; Picture 2, Body of Brink's guard lies covered on sidewalk outside Nanuet bank; a handgun used in robbery is under the truck's bumper. AP; Picture 3, Police roadblock stopped suspects on freeway; two officers were slain when three persons jumped from truck and opened fire. UPI

Copyright 1981 The Washington Post

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10. "Up From the Underground," The New York Times, October 23, 1981, Friday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 30, Column 1; Editorial Desk, 350 words

* * *

A few months after the 1970 explosion in a Greenwich Village townhouse that killed three Weathermen, their leader, Bernardine Dohrn, said, "We became aware that a group of outlaws who are isolated from the youth communities do not have a sense of what is going on."

Weather Underground, as the group was later called, never did have a sense of what was going on. Its members went to Cuba to meet the Vietcong; they went to Algeria to meet the P.L.O.; yet both the black and women's movements spurned their overtures. They were everywhere and nowhere -- amateurs of revolution, self-styled urban guerrillas.

Their specialty was bombing, at which they were not adept, as evidenced by the famous townhouse explosion that killed part of their membership. Nonetheless, during the years of Vietnam protest, they were responsible for at least 20 intentional bombings, and several deaths. If their bombing was clumsy, their thinking was inchoate: to read Weather Underground's 1974 political statement is to drown in rhetoric. Their only real skill, in fact, was masterly manipulation of media. Members of a small, lunatic cell, they won a place in the national consciousness far out of proportion to their number.

Tuesday, after years of silence, Weather Underground surfaced again. Katherine Boudin, a fugitive from the townhouse explosion, and Judith Clark, who served a prison term in connection with the 1969 "Days of Rage" in Chicago, were captured as they fled the scene of the killing of two Nyack policemen. The officers had set up a roadblock to halt bandits who had killed one Brink's guard and wounded two others during a $1.6 million robbery.

Although their language was invariably grandiloquent, the members of Weather Underground have never been precise in defining The Enemy. "Perpetrators of global violence" is a fair sample. The victims, however, are easily described. Working men, white, black, parents. Ordinary people.

Copyright 1981 The New York Times Company

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11. "Police Raid Apartments to Gather Evidence on Killings in Rockland," The New York Times, October 23, 1981, Friday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 1, Column 3; Metropolitan Desk, 1975 words, by Robert D. McFadden

* * *

Federal agents and the police raided six apartments in New York City and Westchester County yesterday as new links emerged between radical activists, black terrorists and the gang that killed two police officers and a Brink's guard Tuesday in a $1.6 million armored-car holdup in Rockland County.

Guided by documents found early Wednesday in an East Orange, N.J., hideout of the gang, authorities armed with search warrants raided three apartments in Manhattan and others in the Bronx, Brooklyn and Mount Vernon, N.Y. They found weapons, ammunition, walkie-talkies, bloody clothing and literature on radical causes.

In the Bronx apartment, police officials said, the raiders discovered floor plans for police stations and lists naming specific police officers as targets for assassination. Similar plans and lists had been found in the East Orange apartment Wednesday, along with weapons, wigs and other items for disguises.

In Queens, the owner of one of the gang's getaway cars was arraigned yesterday on riot and assault charges stemming from a violent protest at Kennedy International Airport last month against the Springboks, the South African rugby team, and was held in lieu of $10,000 bail.

The widening investigation uncovered growing indications that a network of "safe houses" and bomb factories were in the process of being set up by gang members.

Investigators also said they were looking into the gang's possible involvement in a series of armored-car robberies and other crimes ranging from an anti-Springboks bombing in Schenectady last month to the escape of Joanne Chesimard, a leader of the Black Liberation Army, from prison in New Jersey in 1979.

In another development, a third of the four captured robbery suspects was identified as a member of the Weather Under-ground. Two suspects, Katherine Boudin and Judith A. Clark, had been identified as members of the terrorist group on Wednesday.

Yesterday, the Rockland County District Attorney, Kenneth Gribetz, identified a third suspect as David Joseph Gilbert, 37, of Cambridge, Mass., a former Columbia University student who was listed by Federal authorities in 1975 as a fugitive member of the Weather Underground.

Mr. Gilbert was at one time wanted by Colorado authorities for arson and assaulting a peace officer, the authorities said. The disposition of that case was unclear. As a Columbia University philosophy student in 1965, he was brought up on disciplinary charges by university officials in connection with an antiwar demonstration.

Mr. Gilbert had carried identification papers listing himself as James Lester Hackford, 33, of Staten Island, but these papers were found to belong to a retired New York City policeman.

The second male suspect in the robbery was Samuel Brown, 41. Law enforcement officials said yesterday that he had a 23-year record of arrests and convictions for offenses including larceny and possession of guns and burglar's tools.

Security at the Rockland County Jail in New City, where three of the suspects were being held on murder and other charges, and at the Nyack Hospital room of Samuel Brown was strengthened yesterday. As part of the security precautions, Mr. Gribetz asked a State Supreme Court justice to hold today's scheduled arraignments at the jail and the hospital, instead of in a courtroom in Nyack.

Another Getaway Car

Mr. Gribetz said the police had found another of the gang's getaway cars, a white Oldsmobile that had been abandoned in Pelham, N.Y. It was said to have been registered to Marilyn Jean Buck, a 34-year-old fugitive who was sentenced in 1973 to 10 years in jail as a gunrunner for the Black Liberation Army.

Miss Buck, a former student at the University of California at Berkeley, was said to be the only white member of the Black Liberation Army. Along with members of the holdup gang who escaped on Tuesday, Miss Buck was also being sought by authorities yesterday.

Mr. Gribetz did not specify the Federal charge pending against Miss Buck, but he said she had been identified as the woman who, in the name of Nina Lewis, had rented a Bronx apartment that apparently became one of the gang's hideouts and the East Orange apartment that had become a bomb factory. The Bronx apartment was one of the sites raided yesterday; the East Orange apartment was the one raided Wednesday.

The robbery that generated the sprawling investigation un-folded at midafternoon Tuesday as gunmen killed a Brink's guard, Peter Paige, 49, and wounded two others at the Nanuet Mall in Clarkstown, and then killed two Nyack policemen, Sgt. Edward O'Grady, 32, and Officer Waverly Brown, 45, in a shootout at a roadblock in Nyack.

The manhunt for four to eight members of the holdup gang who escaped was called off yesterday amid fading hopes of finding the fugitives in the woods and small towns around Nyack and Nanuet. But two additional weapons used in the holdup were found.

New details, meantime, began to emerge on the recent activities and whereabouts of Miss Boudin, Miss Clark and other suspects.

A Fugitive Since Explosion

Miss Boudin, who had been a fugitive since the explosion of a bomb factory in a Greenwich Village town house in 1970, has a 1-year-old baby boy and, under a false name, has been receiving welfare benefits -- $177.75 every two weeks -- in New York City for the last 20 months, according to records of the city's Human Resources Administration.

The 38-year-old suspect and her son, Chesa, have been sharing an apartment at 50 Morningside Drive, near Columbia University, for more than a year with Rita Jensen, an investigative reporter for The Stamford (Conn.) Advocate, and her two teen-age children, according to Mrs. Jensen.

Mrs. Jensen, in an article in The Advocate, was quoted as having said that she knew Miss Boudin as Lynn Adams and that their life together was quietly domestic. "She always washed the dishes; I always cleaned up," said the 35-year-old reporter.

From time to time, Mrs. Jensen said, Miss Boudin was vis-ited at the apartment by one of the men who was seized in the holdup. He was the man who had identified himself as James Hackford and was later identified as Mr. Gilbert. "I knew him as Lou Wasserman," Mrs. Jensen said after recognizing his face in a newspaper photograph.

Studied at Columbia

Mrs. Jensen, who graduated from Ohio State University and the Columbia Graduate School of Journalism, worked for The Paterson Evening News in New Jersey from 1978 to 1980 and joined The Advocate last January. She wrote a number of sto-ries on the Black Liberation Army and Joanne Chesimard.

She said that because she expected to be questioned by the police, she had retained a lawyer, Martin Stolar. Mr. Stolar, who has represented numerous political dissenters and defendants in civil liberties cases, has resisted subpoenas to testify before grand juries investigating the Black Liberation Army and the whereabouts of fugitives.

Miss Clark, 31, another of the suspects arrested Tuesday, had not recently been a fugitive but had served time a decade ago on charges stemming from the so-called "Days of Rage" antiwar protests in Chicago in 1969. In recent years, she has lived on West 98th Street on Manhattan's Upper West Side. She was described by neighbors as being the mother of an infant child.

The Upper West Side has been a haven for radicals moving underground for years. Miss Boudin lived on Morningside Heights, a half-mile north of Miss Clark. And Bernardine Dohrn and William Ayres, other former Weather Underground leaders, had an apartment on the Upper West Side before she surfaced last year.

Patricia Hearst spent some time in a house on West 90th Street during her months on the run with the Symbionese Liberation Army. Several police raids yesterday began to shed additional light on the Rockland holdup gang's activities. At a suspected gang hideout at an apartment at 2819 Barker Avenue in the Bronx, 50 police officers and agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation found automatic weapons, shotgun ammunition and several walkie-talkies. The police said a copy of Wednesday's New York Times was found, indicating someone had been there after the Tuesday holdup.

High on the lists of potential targets found in that apartment and the one in New Jersey was the Queens Country Criminal Court building in Kew Gardens, especially the office of District Attorney John Santucci, according to city officials familiar with the lists.

Also listed for attack were the stationhouses for the 1st, 6th, 13th, 17th and Midtown North Precincts in Manhattan and the 71st and 78th Precincts in Brooklyn, the officials said. They would not disclose the names of the policemen who had been under surveillance and possibly targeted for attack.

Bloody Clothing Found

The members of the new Joint Terrorism Task Force also raided an apartment at 590 East Third Avenue in Mount Vernon, where they said they found bloody clothing that might have been left there by gang members after the shootout.

The authorities would not reveal if they found any pertinent evidence in the searches of three apartments in Manhattan. . Two of the Manhattan apartments were at 243 West 97th Street and 201 West 97th Street. The third Manhattan apartment raided yesterday was at 302 West 12th Street, not far from the brownstone that blew up in 1970. In still another raid Wednesday night, the police entered the Brooklyn apartment of Eve Rosahn, the 30-year-old defendant in the Springboks protest who was arraigned in Queens yesterday.

In her $275-a-month two-and-a-half-room apartment at 61A South Elliott Place in the Fort Greene section, the police found literature espousing radical causes and posters picturing Miss Chesimard.

Miss Rosahn and four other defendants charged in the Springboks case were represented by Susan Tipograph, a lawyer who has represented defendants associated with a Puerto Rican terrorist group.

Investigators attempting to draw together the diverse threads of the case said there were indications that the last vestiges of the Weather Underground, the radical group born amid the antiwar protests and racial turbulence of the 1960's, might have joined forces with members of the Black Liberation Army to form a resurgent radical group.

Series of Robberies

One New York City investigator said the police believed the new radical alliance had staged a series of robberies in recent months to finance their activities and had moved to set up a number of "safe houses" and bomb factories.

The New Jersey state police said they were investigating possible links between the robbery gang and Miss Chesimard's escape from the State Correction Institute for Women at Clinton, N.J., on Nov. 2, 1979. Miss Chesimard, who had been serving a life sentence for the murder of a New Jersey state trooper, was freed by three heavily armed men who briefly held two guards.

In Schenectady, Federal investigators said they were looking into a possible link between the Weather Underground and an explosion on Sept. 22 that rocked the building housing the offices of the Eastern Rugby Union, which was the chief sponsor of the three-game American tour of the Springboks.

The team became the target of numerous protests because of South Africa's policy of racial separation, known as apartheid.

Copyright 1981 The New York Times Company

==========================================

12. "You Don't Need A Weatherman...," United Press International, October 24, 1981, Saturday, AM cycle, Domestic News, 902 words, by Bruce Olson

* * *

The Weather Underground was born in 1969 with a call to arms in a dingy auditorium just south of the Chicago Loop. Its death is a matter of debate.

Former members say it ended last December when two leaders, Bernadine Dohrn and William Ayers, surrendered to authorities.

The bloody emergence of Kathy Boudin, Judy Clark and Jeffrey Carl Jones, three long-time Weather members, does not mean the group is alive, but only that a few 1960s radicals remain committed to terrorist action, underground sources say.

Ms. Boudin, 38, and Ms. Clark, 31, were captured with two men Tuesday in the $1.6 million armored car robbery in which two police officers and a Brink's guard were killed. One of the men later was identified as David J.A. Gilbert, 37, who was listed by the FBI in 1975 as a fugitive Weather Underground member.

Jones and Eleanor Stein Raskin, a member of a violent off-shoot of that group, were arrested late Friday in the Bronx. They were not immediately tied to the armored car heist but were charged with unlawful flight to avoid prosecution in connection with a 1979 police raid of a bomb factory in Hoboken, N.J.

Killed by police investigating the robbery late Friday was Sam Smith, a suspected Black Panther believed to have been in on the Brink's shootout.

Police said they were investigating possible ties between the pair and Ms. Boudin, Ms. Clark and the others arrested in the armored car heist.

One former member said Miss Boudin and Miss Clark had been "outside the group for a long time. They were outside the official structure as early as 1977."

Sources said they had no knowledge of a new group, the May 19 Coalition, that police say may include former members of the Weather Underground and the Black Liberation Army.

"It's a dream we had for a long time, combining black with white," and ex-member said. "But the Brink's holdup really has nothing much to do with Weather-politics as they were once upon a time."

"This robbery in New York may indictate [sic] a new uprising, but's not the Weather Underground," said another former member. "There hasn't been anything published in a long time and in the last years there was always the question of what to do politically."

The Weatherman origins lay in a debate within the 25,000-member Students for a Democratic Society, which began to splinter at the height of its influence, as early as 1968. At the 7th annual convention of SDS in June 1969 in Chicago, the split sent shock waves that forever changed the student movement.

Miss Dohrn and then-radical celebrity Mark Rudd presented a mimeographed paper that began with the Bob Dylan line, "You don't need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows."

The paper called for guerrilla war and resulted in a division among the 1,000 SDS delegates packed into the hall. Two major factions began open rhetorical warfare: a Progressive Labor Party faction committed to traditional socialist revolution and another pro-terrorist side which had largely given up on white workers as a force for change.

Miss Dohrn, the leader of the wing interested in terrorism, convinced members of the Black Panther Party to stand along the walls with arms folded while she expelled everyone but "true fighters" from SDS. She marched out of the hall, with about a third of the delegates following.

The theoretical in-fighting continued through the summer and three groups formed: those led by Miss Dohrn became the Weather Underground, those supporting Los Angeles organizer Mike Klonsky eventually formed the October League, and those led by Berkeley organizer Bob Avakian became the Revolutionary Union.

In October 1969, Miss Dohrn led her helmeted troops into Chicago for a spree of rock-throwing and battles with police known as the "Days of Rage."

The Weatherpeople spent the early 1970s setting bombs, claiming credit for at least 20 bombings, including explosions at New York City police headquarters, the U.S. Capitol, the State Department and several corporate headquarters.

The group split for the last time in 1977, this time over the question of whether to stay underground or go public with overt political action. Rudd became the first to surrender.

In 1978, part of the core of those who wanted to stay under-ground was obliterated when five members were arrested in Houston. They included Judith Bissell, a long-time leader; Mike Justesen, underground since 1970; Clayton Van Lydegraf, former secretary of the Communist Party in the state of Washington; Mark Perry, a Seattle radical; and Leslie Ann Mullin, a member of a splinter called the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee.

All were convicted for a plot to bomb the office of a California state senator, served two years and are now out of jail. Van Lydegraf is reportedly in Los Angeles, but sources say he never rejoined the Weather Underground.

In the 70s, two Weather publications filtered through left wing book stores: "Prairie Fire," published from 1974 to 1977, and "Breakthru," the journal of the faction that wanted to surface.

Both papers disappeared by 1978 and until last week, the group's only apparent activity involved quiet surrender on various state and federal charges.

Just one member of the clandestine organization is still wanted by police: Silas "Trim" Bissell, Judith Bissell's husband, accused of bombing an ROTC building at the University of Washington in 1969.

Copyright 1981 U.P.I.

==========================================

13. "You Don't Need A Weatherman...," United Press International, October 24, 1981, Saturday, BC cycle, Domestic News, 812 words, by Bruce Olson

* * *

The Weather Underground was born in 1969 with a call to arms in a dingy auditorium just south of the Chicago Loop. Its death is a matter of debate.

Former members say it ended last December when two leaders, Bernadine Dohrn and William Ayers, surrendered to authorities.

The bloody emergence of Kathy Boudin and Judy Clark, two long-time Weather members, does not mean the group is alive, but only that a few 1960s radicals remain committed to terrorist action, underground sources say.

Miss Boudin, 38, and Miss Clark, 31, were captured with two men Tuesday in the $1.6 million armored car robbery in which two police officers and a Brink's guard were killed. One of the men later was identified as David J.A. Gilbert, 37, who was listed by the FBI in 1975 as a fugitive Weather Under-ground member.

One former member said Miss Boudin and Miss Clark had been "outside the group for a long time. They were outside the official structure as early as 1977."

Sources said they had no knowledge of a new group, the May 19 Coalition, that police say may include former members of the Weather Underground and the Black Liberation Army.

"It's a dream we had for a long time, combining black with white," and ex-member said. "But the Brink's holdup really has nothing much to do with Weather-politics as they were once upon a time."

"This robbery in New York may indictate [sic] a new uprising, but's not the Weather Underground," said another former member. "There hasn't been anything published in a long time and in the last years there was always the question of what to do politically."

The Weatherman origins lay in a debate within the 25,000-member Students for a Democratic Society, which began to splinter at the height of its influence, as early as 1968. At the 7th annual convention of SDS in June 1969 in Chicago, the split sent shock waves that forever changed the student movement.

Miss Dohrn and then-radical celebrity Mark Rudd presented a mimeographed paper that began with the Bob Dylan line, "You don't need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows."

The paper called for guerrilla war and resulted in a division among the 1,000 SDS delegates packed into the hall. Two major factions began open rhetorical warfare: a Progressive Labor Party faction committed to traditional socialist revolution and another pro-terrorist side which had largely given up on white workers as a force for change.

Miss Dohrn, the leader of the wing interested in terrorism, convinced members of the Black Panther Party to stand along the walls with arms folded while she expelled everyone but "true fighters" from SDS. She marched out of the hall, with about a third of the delegates following.

The theoretical in-fighting continued through the summer and three groups formed: those led by Miss Dohrn became the Weather Underground, those supporting Los Angeles organizer Mike Klonsky eventually formed the October League, and those led by Berkeley organizer Bob Avakian became the Revolutionary Union.

In October 1969, Miss Dohrn led her helmeted troops into Chicago for a spree of rock-throwing and battles with police known as the "Days of Rage."

The Weatherpeople spent the early 1970s setting bombs, claiming credit for at least 20 bombings, including explosions at New York City police headquarters, the U.S. Capitol, the State Department and several corporate headquarters.

The group split for the last time in 1977, this time over the question of whether to stay underground or go public with overt political action. Rudd became the first to surrender.

In 1978, part of the core of those who wanted to stay underground was obliterated when five members were arrested in Houston. They included Judith Bissell, a long-time leader; Mike Justesen, underground since 1970; Clayton Van Lydegraf, former secretary of the Communist Party in the state of Washington; Mark Perry, a Seattle radical; and Leslie Ann Mullin, a member of a splinter called the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee.

All were convicted for a plot to bomb the office of a California state senator, served two years and are now out of jail. Van Lydegraf is reportedly in Los Angeles, but sources say he never rejoined the Weather Underground.

In the 70s, two Weather publications filtered through left wing book stores: "Prairie Fire," published from 1974 to 1977, and "Breakthru," the journal of the faction that wanted to surface.

Both papers disappeared by 1978 and until last week, the group's only apparent activity involved quiet surrender on various state and federal charges.

Just two members of the clandestine organization are still wanted by police: Jeff Jones, sought for a Hoboken, N.J., bomb factory explosion in 1979, and Silas "Trim" Bissell, Judith Bissell's husband, accused of bombing an ROTC building at the University of Washington in 1969.

ADVANCED-DATE: October 23, 1981, Friday, BC cycle

Copyright 1981 U.P.I.

==========================================

14. "Days of Rage: radical politics and violent tactics," United Press International, October 24, 1981, Saturday, AM cycle, Domestic News, 871 words, by Marcella S. Kreiter

* * *

DATELINE: CHICAGO

They came by the hundreds and set up camp in scenic Lincoln Park in October 1969.

It was a gathering of 800 young people, sitting around bon-fires, inspiring each other with descriptions of how the world should be.

But the campers were student radicals -- members of the Weatherman faction of the Students for a Democratic Society -- and their gathering turned into four days of rock-throwing rampages and pitched battles with police on the Near North Side and in the Loop.

It became known as the "Days of Rage." It was a kind of be-ginning of the end of radical student politics.

More than 50 police officers and scores of demonstrators were injured, and 250 people were arrested.

In the aftermath, the future Cook County sheriff lay crippled and a dozen student leaders were indicted on state and federal charges -- some were arrested and jailed; others were forced into a decade of hiding.

Among those indicted were Katherine Boudin and Judith Clark, captured Tuesday at Nyack, N.Y., in a bungled $1.6-million terrorist-style armored car robbery that left two police-men and a Brink's guard dead.

Another Weather fugitive, Jeffrey Carl Jones, and Eleanor Stein Raskin, a member of violent offshoot of that group, were arrested late Friday in the Bronx. They were not immediately tied to the armored car heist but were charged with unlawful flight to avoid prosecution in connection with a 1979 police raid of a bomb factory in Hoboken, N.J.

Killed by police investigating the robbery late Friday was Sam Smith, a suspected Black Panther believed to have been in on the Brink's shootout.

Police said they were investigating possible ties between the pair and Ms. Boudin, Ms. Clark and two others arrested in the armored car heist. Nearly $1.6 million was stolen but later re-covered.

The "Days of Rage" violence began Wednesday, Oct. 8, 1969, and continued for three more days. Radicals from throughout the nation streamed into Chicago to protest the Vietnam War and the draft, the Chicago Seven conspiracy trial and other issues.

The protesters made camp in Lincoln Park, where a year earlier police and Yippie demonstrators clashed during the Democratic National Convention. They broke up picnic tables and used them for firewood and waited for police to try to evict them from the park.

Police just stood watch, waiting for the real trouble to begin.

And it did.

"It was really quiet," recalled UPI photographer James Smestad. "The kids were all sitting around bonfires, just talking. Nobody was making any kind of a speech.

"Then, all of a sudden about 50 of them took off like a thundering herd. They picked up bricks from a demolition site and smashed car windows, just randomly. They jostled an elderly couple walking down the street.

"When they got to Clark and Division (1 miles south), the police were lined up across the intersection. They weren't going to let them go any further south."

That time the crowd dispersed. By Saturday, however, the demonstrators were fighting mad.

"It was a group that was indeed violent and completely vicious," said Richard Elrod, then assistant city corporation counsel and now Cook County sheriff. Elrod suffered a broken neck the final day of the disturbances and remains paralyzed.

"They were irresponsible revolutionists," he said. "They came to Chicago for the sole purpose of causing chaos and havoc in the city."

Elrod said little could have been done to prevent the clashes because of constitutional guarantees against prior restraint -- the crime had to be committed before the arrests could be made.

To Detective Jim Cunningham, who was injured in the battle with demonstrators at the federal building, "These people mostly were spoiled brats.

"They were all college graduates. They had a silver spoon all their lives. All came from wealthy parents."

"All hell broke loose," said Cunningham, a Korean War veteran. "I didn't have time to think. It happened so quick. You just react. Basically I was trying to protect myself and the other officers."

"If they're going to kick a police officer, think what they're going to do to you. If you weren't one of them, they went after you."

Cunningham, a 14-year police force veteran at the time, filed assault charges against Weatherman leader Bernardine Dohrn.

The Weatherman faction, which later became the Weather Underground, split with the SDS after the 1968 Democratic National Convention. Under the leadership of Miss Dohrn, a native of Whitefish Bay, Wis., the group became increasingly more militant -- bomb threats were made, bombs exploded, bomb factories uncovered by police.

Miss Dohrn and William Ayers, son of a prominent Chicago family, surrendered to authorities last December after more than a decade in hiding.

Others indicted included Mark Rudd, Michael Spiegel, Howard Machtinger, Terry Robbins, Linda Evans, John Jacobs, and Lawrence Weiss.

Sentences for those indicted for the Days of Rage who surrendered ranged from probation and a $2,000 fine for Rudd to nine months in prison for Ms. Wilkerson. She is serving the sentence concurrently with her three-year term for the 1970 Greenwich Village townhouse bomb blast that killed three people

Copyright 1981 U.P.I.

==========================================

15. "The Brink's Job: Blowing The Lid Off The Weather Underground," The Associated Press, October 24, 1981, Saturday, AM cycle, Domestic News, 1386 words, by Scott Kraft, Associated Press Writer

* * *

DATELINE: NEW YORK

It began as just another Brink's job.

But it blew the lid off the Weather Underground, a group of 1960s anti-war radicals and 1970s anti-establishment bomb-builders who managed to elude capture for 10 years.

In the 1960s, they protested the Vietnam War and fled from riot and assault charges. In the 1970s, they eluded a FBI manhunt and exploded a bomb in the U.S. Capitol.

When they tripped -- their bomb factory blew up in 1970, killing three -- they picked themselves back up. They were resilient, tough and slippery.

But last week the terrorist underground leaders were pushing 40 and pushing their luck. At their homes were lists of names, police station floor plans, guns and bomb-making equipment.

This time they made a mistake. And fingerprints, license plate numbers, search warrants -- the clues that had rarely worked for police before, began working and working and working.

A week of dogged police effort netted five members of the Weather Underground, a fugitive Black Panther, and two other men with long police records. Authorities continued to search New York City and its suburbs for the remnants of a gang that killed two policemen and a Brink's guard Tuesday.

Finding the nest of radicals came as a "total surprise to everybody," said one federal official.

"They blew their whole (underground) operation," said the official with the Treasury Department's Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms agency in New York. He asked not to be identified.
"Their house of dominoes is falling down. I think before this is all over we'll solve a whole lot of bank robberies."

The FBI special agent in charge in New York, Kenneth Walton, said the arrests had strained, if not broken, the back of the Weather Underground.

"It's got to be in traction," said Kenneth Walton, FBI special agent in charge in New York.

William Kunstler, an attorney who has agreed to represent Katherine Boudin, said Friday authorities may use this incident to blame crime after unsolved crime on radical terrorists, making "it a self-fufilling prophecy that there is a widespread radical terrorist movement in the United States."

Figures from the country's radical past -- Katherine Boudin, Judith Clark and David Gilbert -- are being held on charges in connection with the death of the Brink's guard and two police officers and the heist of $1.6 million from an armored truck in Clarkstown, N.Y.

Two others -- Jeffrey Carl Jones, 33, and Eleanor Stein Raskin, 35, -- were arrested in the Bronx early Saturday morning and charged with unlawful flight to avoid prosecution in New Jersey, where they were arrested in 1979 on a charge of unlawful possession of explosives.

Police said there was no evidence Jones and Ms. Raskin had anything to do with the Brink's holdup.

Authorities said all five were members of the May 19 Coalition -- a recently formed radical group named for the birthdays of Ho Chi Minh and slain black leader Malcolm X.

The crack in the underground first appeared Tuesday after-noon.

A Brink's armored car pulled up to the Nanuet National Bank at a mall in Clarkstown. Three men jumped out of a van behind the armored truck and a fourth sprang from a nearby bench. All opened fire. Peter Paige, a guard, died instantly. Two other guards were wounded.

Bags containing $1.6 million were grabbed. Five blocks away, the gunmen abandoned the van and jumped into three waiting vehicles, including another van.

The crack in the underground widened when the getaway vehicles ran into a police roadblock.

As officers ordered passengers in the front out, three or four gunmen leaped from the back and fired automatic weapons. Two officers died and one was wounded.

Ms. Boudin was arrested at the scene. Ms. Clark, Gilbert, 37, and Samuel Brown, 41, with a New York City arrest record dating to 1958, were arrested later after their car crashed with police in pursuit.

Some of the money was found in the van and a car. A third car got away, but police got its license plate number.

The crack opened further Wednesday when officials traced the license plates to an East Orange, N.J., apartment where officers discovered bomb-making materials, floor plans of a half-dozen New York City police stations, two sawed-off shotguns and several 9mm automatic pistols like those used in the Brink's holdup.

The apartment belonged to Marilyn Jean Buck, a federal fugitive who has been described as the only white member of the Black Liberation Army, an underground group at war with police. She is at large.

Other searches yielded more leads, one of which led to a chase and shootout in Queens on Friday. Nat Burns, also known as Nathaniel Williams, a Black Panther and fugitive from 1968 bombing charges, was arrested. He was wearing a bullet-proof vest.

Samuel Smith, 37, was killed in the exchange of gunfire, police said. He was wearing a bullet-proof vest dented over a body bruise apparently suffered in a recent shooting -- perhaps in the Brink's robbery, police said.

New York City police have been probing connections among radicals, black terrorists and the robbers of the armored truck. Some police sources have speculated that the Weather Underground might have forged an alliance with the militant Black Liberation Army, a faction of the Black Panthers.

Police Commissioner Robert McGuire said officials "have no hard information to link the Weather Underground to the Black Liberation Army."

The Weather Underground originally was known as The Weatherman, after the lyrics of a Bob Dylan song that went: "You don't need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows."

The group, a spinoff of the Students for a Democratic Society, led the bloody "Days of Rage" anti-war demonstration in Chicago in 1969 and many of its members were indicted but skipped bail.

They claimed responsibility for bombing the U.S. Capitol in 1971, setting an explosion that damaged the office of the California attorney general in 1974 and other bombings. But in recent years, the group had fallen silent. It reportedly was split over a plan to abandon sabotage to concentrate on aboveground politics.

Its members took odd jobs or collected welfare, living in "safe" houses and using aliases. The frustration of life on the run was evident in poems Ms. Boudin, Cathlyn Platt Wilkerson and Bernardine Dohrn read on a radio show in 1975. One poem read:

"Underground is not the right word

It makes it seem too simple

As if there's any easy way to disappear

A place to go beneath the city streets

There is no passage."

Ms. Dohrn, 38, surrendered last year on charges of aggravated battery and bail jumping in connection with the Days of Rage.

Ms. Wilkerson, who disappeared with Ms. Boudin after the two fled from a Greenwich Village brownstone explosion in 1970, turned herself in last year and received a one-to-three year sentence on charges related to the explosion. Officials said the brownstone was a bomb factory; three radicals died in the blast.

Mark Rudd surrendered in 1977 after seven years as a fugitive on charges stemming from the 1968 riots at Columbia University and the Days of Rage. He got a fine and two years' probation.

The Weather Underground principals apprehended this week:

Katherine Boudin, a magna cum laude graduate of Bryn Mawr College and daughter of civil rights lawyer Leonard Boudin. She skipped bail after the Days of Rage. Recently, she lived with her year-old baby on Manhattan's Upper West Side, collecting $354 a month in welfare.

Judith Clark, 31, gave birth to a girl last spring. She was arrested by the FBI in 1970 and served time in prison on charges stemming from the Chicago protests. Her conviction was overturned because the FBI used burglaries, mail openings and illegal wiretaps. She also lived on the Upper West Side.

David J. Gilbert graduated from Columbia College in 1966 with a degree in philosophy and attended the New School for Social Research. He was a longtime member of the SDS and the Weather Underground.

Jeffrey Jones, 33, was a national officer of SDS and leader of the Weather Underground who dropped from sight in 1970, the FBI said. He was wanted on charges of making bombs and inciting riots.

Eleanor Stein Raskin, who attended Columbia Law School, was charged with Jones of unlawful possession of explosives in New Jersey in 1979.

Copyright 1981 Associated Press
All Rights Reserved

==========================================

16. "Days of Rage: The beginning of the end ...," United Press International, October 24, 1981, Saturday, BC cycle, Domestic News, 796 words, by Marcella S. Kreiter

* * *

DATELINE: CHICAGO

They came by the hundreds and set up camp in scenic Lincoln Park in October 1969.

From the outside, it was a gathering of 800 young people, sitting around bonfires, inspiring each other with descriptions of how the world should be.

But the campers were student radicals -- members of the Weatherman faction of the Students for a Democratic Society -- and their gathering turned into four days of rock-throwing ram-pages and pitched battles with police on the Near North Side and in the Loop.

It became known as the "Days of Rage." For all practical purposes it served as the beginning of the end of radical student politics.

More than 50 police officers and scores of demonstrators were injured and 250 people were arrested.

In the aftermath, the future Cook County sheriff lay crippled and a dozen student leaders were indicted on state and federal charges -- some were arrested and jailed; others were forced into a decade of hiding.

Among those indicted were Katherine Boudin and Judith Clark who were captured Tuesday at Nyack, N.Y., in a bungled $1.6 million terrorist-style armored car robbery that left two policemen and a Brink's guard dead.

The "Days of Rage" violence began Wednesday, Oct. 8, 1969, and continued for three more days. Radicals from throughout the nation streamed into Chicago to protest the Vietnam War and the draft, the Chicago Seven conspiracy trial and other issues.

The protesters made camp in Lincoln Park, where a year earlier police and Yippie demonstrators clashed during the Democratic National Convention. They broke up picnic tables and used them for firewood and waited for police to try to evict them from the park.

But police just stood watch, waiting for the real trouble to begin.

And it did.

"It was really quiet," recalled UPI photographer James Smestad. "The kids were all sitting around bonfires, just talking. Nobody was making any kind of a speech.

"Then, all of a sudden about 50 of them took off like a thundering herd. They picked up bricks from a demolition site and smashed car windows, just randomly. They jostled an elderly couple walking down the street.

"When they got to Clark and Division (1 miles south), the police were lined up across the intersection. They weren't going to let them go any further south."

That time the crowd dispersed. By Saturday, however, the demonstrators were fighting mad.

"It was a group that was indeed violent and completely vicious," said Richard Elrod, then assistant city corporation counsel and now Cook County sheriff. Elrod suffered a broken neck the final day of the disturbances and remains paralyzed.

"They were irresponsible revolutionists," he said. "They came to Chicago for the sole purpose of causing chaos and havoc in the city."

Elrod said little could have been done to prevent the clashes because of constitutional guarantees against prior restraint -- the crime had to be committed before the arrests could be made.

To Detective Jim Cunningham, who was injured in the battle with demonstrators at the federal building, "These people mostly were spoiled brats.

"They were all college graduates. They had a silver spoon all their lives. All came from wealthy parents."

"All hell broke loose," said Cunningham, a Korean War veteran. "I didn't have time to think. It happened so quick. You just react. Basically I was trying to protect myself and the other officers."

"If they're going to kick a police officer, think what they're going to do to you. If you weren't one of them, they went after you."

Cunningham, a 14-year police force veteran at the time, filed assault charges against Weatherman leader Bernardine Dohrn.

The Weatherman faction, which later became the Weather Underground, split with the SDS after the 1968 Democratic National Convention. Under the leadership of Miss Dohrn, a native of Whitefish Bay, Wis., the group became increasingly more militant -- bomb threats were made, bombs exploded, bomb factories uncovered by police.

Miss Dohrn and William Ayers, son of a prominent Chicago family, surrendered to authorities last December after more than a decade in hiding.

Others indicted included Mark Rudd, Cathlyn Wilkerson, Michael Spiegel, Jeffrey Jones, Howard Machtinger, Terry Robbins, Linda Evans, John Jacobs, and Lawrence Weiss.

Of those, only Jones remains unaccounted for. He and his common-law wife, Eleanor Raskin, also are wanted in a 1979 bomb explosion in Hoboken, N.J.

Sentences for those indicted for the Days of Rage who surrendered ranged from probation and a $2,000 fine for Rudd to nine months in prison for Ms. Wilkerson. She is serving the sentence concurrently with her three-year term for the 1970 Greenwich Village townhouse bomb blast that killed three people.

ADVANCED-DATE: October 23, 1981, Friday, BC cycle

Copyright 1981 U.P.I.

==========================================

17. "Brink's robbery hints at radical black-white link," United Press International, October 24, 1981, Saturday, BC cycle, Domestic News, 1455 words, by Dan Collins

* * *

DATELINE: NEW YORK

When Byrn Mawr College honors graduate Katherine Boudin resurfaced after 11 years as a rebel on the run, it was in a hail of bullets police fear may be a chilling new link between white radicals and black militants.

The slim remnants of the white middle class Weather Underground and the cop-killing Black Liberation Army both trace their roots back to the Vietnam War protests and racial turbulence of the 1960s.

The possibility the groups have become enmeshed in a resurgent revolutionary movement loomed Tuesday when a gang of blacks and whites ambushed a Brink's armored car at a shopping mall near Nyack, N.Y., killing a guard and wounding two others. Two policemen were killed in a shootout as the robbers tried to escape with $1.6 million.

Four people were arrested and up to six suspects, all described as blacks, were sought.

Three of those arrested were white Weather Underground members, including Miss Boudin, 38, who had been a fugitive since a 1970 Greenwich Village bomb factory blast that killed three other radicals. The fourth suspect was Samuel Brown, 41, a black with a long arrest record.

Attorney General William French Smith's initial reaction was: "It's a hangover from the past. I don't see any resurgence of terrorism."

But the vicious terrorist-style ambush spawned a fullscale investigation by the FBI and local and state police in at least two states. In tracing the getaway vehicles, police and federal agents mounted raids at a string of suspected safe houses and apartments in New York and New Jersey.

They uncovered explosives, weapons and BLA and Weather Underground revolutionary literature. They also found floor plans for six New York City police stations and a "hit-list" of officers.

Many officials saw a possible joining of forces between the remnants of the Weather Underground and the BLA, a group with a deep hatred of a system its members see symbolized by police officers.

Investigators suspect the Nyack gang may have been involved in a series of crimes, ranging from bank robberies to the 1979 prison escape of Joanne Chesimard, the "Soul of the BLA" who was serving a life sentence for killing a New Jersey state trooper, to the bombing of a Schenectady, N.Y., rugby club last month during a visit by South Africa's Springbok team.

For Miss Boudin, the downhill path to her present dilemma as a murder and holdup suspect began in the revolutionary rhetoric and ideas of the 1960s.

Her father is Leonard Boudin, a prominent New York civil rights attorney who has defended many radicals. She studied in private schools and went to Bryn Mawr College outside Philadelphia, graduating magna cum laude in 1965 with a degree in Russian literature. She spent her senior year in the Soviet Union.

Miss Boudin first became involved in the civil rights movement in 1963 and after Bryn Mawr moved to Cleveland, where she worked as a community organizer for the newly formed Students for a Democratic Society.

Through the years she moved up in the SDS leadership and was arrested at the 1968 National Democratic Convention in Chicago for throwing a stink bomb into the lobby of the Conrad Hilton Hotel.

In 1969, the student movement began to split over ideological issues such as the advocacy of violence or non-violence. And the issue of women's rights began gaining new momentum.

The most vocal faction to emerge from the disarray in movement was the Weathermen, who took their name from a line in a song by Bob Dylan - "You don't need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows."

The Weathermen exploded into the nation's consciousness and history in October 1969 when a gathering at Chicago's Lincoln Park turned into four days of rock-throwing rampages and pitched battles with police that became known as the "Days of Rage."

Miss Boudin was among the 250 people arrested. So were such well-known student radicals as Mark Rudd, Bernadine Dohrn and Cathlyn Wilkerson.

After the "Days of Rage" the Weathermen went underground, declaring: "We are against everything that's good and decent in honky America. We will loot, burn and destroy. We are the incubation of your mother's nightmares."


The growing influence of militant women was signaled when the group changed its name to the Weatherpeople and then finally the Weather Underground because Weathermen had sexist connotations.

As an underground revolutionary movement, it engaged in a campaign of bombing, claiming responsibility for a blasts at such targets as banks, police stations, the U.S. Capitol in 1971 and the State Department in 1975.

It was a bomb blast that made Miss Boudin a fugitive and sent her into the underground of the nation's radical movement. On March, 6, 1970, an explosion ripped through a posh townhouse in Greenwich Village. Police said the house had been converted into a radical bomb factory and in the rubble they found the remains of three Weathermen -- two men and a women.

Two women dashed naked from the rubble, got clothing from a neighbor and disappeared in a car. They were Miss Boudin and Miss Wilkerson, whose parents owned the town-house.
Miss Wilkerson, now 36, surrendered July 8, 1980, after decade on run and is serving a three-year sentence. Miss Boudin had not been seen until her arrest and little is yet known of her life as a fugitive.

She is the mother of a 1-year-old son and for 21 months had shared an apartment near Columbia University with a reporter for a Connecticut newspaper who was unaware of her roommate's past. Miss Boudin's father took custody of her son, Chesa.

Miss Boudin collected welfare since February 1980 under the name Lydia Adams. Her most recent payments covering her and her child were for $177.75 every two weeks.

Through her roommate's account of life with Miss Boudin, it is clear the fugitive kept her rebel contacts. David Gilbert, long-time Weather Underground member who also was seized in the Nyack robbery, was a frequent visitor.

Details of Miss Boudin's arrest, however, indicate she may not be as fervent a supporter of revolutionary violence she once was.

"Please don't kill me!" she repeated again and again to Michael Koch, an off-duty New York City corrections officer who captured her as she ran from a roadblock. "Please don't shoot me! They shot them, I didn't."

It is not yet clear how Miss Boudin and the other Weather Underground members are linked with the BLA. But a radical lawyer who has defended black and white revolutionaries said: "The white radicals would do anything to achieve identification with the people they regard as the most militant and revolutionary."

Before the Nyack attack, only one white was linked to the BLA -- Marilyn Buck, 34, daughter of an Austin, Texas, minister, and listed on New York Police intelligence files as a member of the Weather Underground. A car used in the Nyack robbery and a safe apartment in East Orange, N.J., were traced to Miss Buck, leading police to list her as an accomplice.

But, it would be a marriage of fragments if the revolutionary alliance is proved.

Most known BLA members have been killed or jailed in what can only be described as a war with law enforcement agencies, especially the New York City Police Department, that began in the early 1970s.

And, Kirkpatrick Sale, an author regarded as a foremost authority on the old Students for a Democratic Society, estimated that only six or seven of the 50 or so members of the Weathermen movement are still in hiding.

The BLA was a 1970 offshoot of the Black Panther Party. Little is known of the BLA beyond a series of bank robberies punctuated by the slaying of police officers.

In May 1971, two New York City police officers were machine gunned and seriously wounded and two other officers were slain in an ambush. The BLA, previously unknown to New York police, claimed responsibility.

By 1974, police believed the group had been smashed with 16 BLA members killed or jailed in the three-year war. Five New York City police officers, three of them black, were killed and 19 others wounded.

But late in 1974, three BLA members shot and seriously wounded a police officer in a bank robbery in New Haven, Conn. They were quickly captured and said they had not worn masks in the holdup to show the BLA was still alive.

BLA gunmen struck again in April, killing a New York City police officer and wounding another in a hail of bullets fired into a patrol car on a Queens street. One suspect has been arrested.

A lawyer who has defended BLA members said:

"They believe the capitalist system must be crushed through the use of force and violence and they believe the police are the cutting edge of that system."

The Weather Underground thought the same way.

ADVANCED-DATE: October 23, 1981, Friday, BC cycle

Copyright 1981 U.P.I.

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18. "Major News in Summary; A Bloody Holdup and a Secret Life," The New York Times, October 25, 1981, Sunday, Late City Final Edition, Section 4; Page 1, Column 3; Week in Review Desk, 531 words

* * *

From time to time and without much fuss, surviving members of the Weather Underground have turned themselves in, tired of living secret lives, perhaps, or wondering which way the wind was blowing. Last week Katherine Boudin, perhaps the group's most prominent fugitive, was also taken into custody, but only after a brutal, bungled bank holdup that left three dead and enough clues for police to race to hide-outs used by radicals in the New York region.

Police said Miss Boudin was among those in a red van that pulled up behind a Brink's armored car at the Nanuet National Bank in Rockland County at 3:55 P.M. Tuesday. Opening fire with automatic weapons, the robbers killed one guard, wounded two others and made off with $1,589,000. Minutes later, two officers in nearby Nyack were killed and a third wounded in another shootout after one of the getaway vehicles was halted at a roadblock. Four gang members were captured the money was recovered; an unknown number of assailants escaped.

The capture of Miss Boudin ended an underground career that began in 1970, when she fled from a ''bomb factory'' in a Greenwich Village townhouse after an explosion killed three other radicals. The daughter of a prominent left-wing attorney and an honors graduate of Bryn Mawr, she had been living quietly, under the pseudonym Lynn Adams, with her one-year-old son in an apartment house near Columbia University. But like others who had moved from activist to militant to terrorist, she came to measure her life with crude bombs planted to punish those deemed guilty of ''global violence.''

Eventually, many became disenchanted with the underground and the violence. Mark Rudd, the Columbia leader, surrendered in 1977. Cathlyn P. Wilkerson, another 11th Street survivor, and Bernardine Dohrn turned themselves in last year. But a die-hard faction stayed in hiding, and as police last week traced vehicles abandoned by the gang to ''safe houses,'' there was ample evidence that more than one holdup was planned -- and perhaps that others had already been carried out.

Investigators recovered weapons, ammunition, walkie-talkies, floor plans for several Manhattan police precincts, a ''hit list'' of police officers and evidence they said linked the gang to the Black Liberation Army. Shell casings from the scene were said to be similar to ones found in other armored-car robberies.

Three days after the shootings in Rockland County more violence exploded in Queens. After a detective spotted a car with a license plate linked to one of the hide-outs, a 20-minute chase ended in another shooting; police killed one of the gunmen and were questioning another, who they described as a fugitive Black Panther. Hours later, two other fugitive radicals were seized at an apartment in the Bronx.

''It's a broad-scale investigation,'' said the New York City Police Commissioner, Robert J. McGuire, as Federal agents stepped up efforts across the country against what they said was a broad alliance of violent radical groups.

Copyright 1981 The New York Times Company

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19. "Last of Radical Leaders Eluded Police 11 Years," The New York Times, October 25, 1981, Sunday, Late City Final Edition, Section 1; Part 1; Page 38, Column 1; Metropolitan Desk, 1050 words, by Paul L. Montgomery

* * *

Jeffrey Carl Jones, arrested Friday night in his Bronx apartment as he watched the World Series with his wife and 4-year-old son, was the last identified leader of the Weather Underground to escape capture or surrender in the 11-year search by the authorities to round up members of the terrorist group.

Mr. Jones, 34, and his common-law wife, Eleanor Stein Raskin, 35, had been associated with the Weathermen from the group's inception in the summer of 1969 and went underground with it the next year. Mr. Jones was a signer of several statements in which the Weathermen took responsibility for bombings of public buildings, and had been sought by the Federal Bureau of Investigation for most of the last 11 years.

Police interest in the couple was renewed in August 1979, when they were indicted in Hudson County, N.J., for unlawful possession of explosives in connection with a raid on a radicals' bomb factory in Hoboken. They apparently fled to New York soon afterward, once again becoming Federal fugitives.

Mr. Jones and Miss Raskin were ordered held in $200,000 cash bond at the Metropolitan Correction Center in Manhattan yesterday pending extradition proceedings to New Jersey. Stacey J. Moritz, the assistant United States attorney handling the case, told Federal Magistrate Kent Sinclair Jr. that the proceedings should begin tomorrow.

Employed as a Laborer

At the bail hearing, Mr. Jones and Miss Raskin held hands and smiled frequently at each other. Mr. Jones, asked by a re-porter about his callused hands, said he had been working as a laborer, but would not elaborate.

An F.B.I. spokesman said that, at the moment, there was no demonstrable connection between the couple and the arrests of three members of the Weather Underground at the Brink's robbery in Nanuet on Tuesday. However, it was known that both Mr. Jones and Miss Raskin had been associated in the past with Katherine Boudin, one of those arrested in the robbery, though authorities did not know if there had been any contact since 1977.

he lawyer for the couple, Morton Stavis of Hoboken, said at the bail hearing that he had been in negotiation with Hudson County authorities ''for some time'' for the surrender of his clients on the explosives charges. ''To the best of my knowledge, the F.B.I. has been aware of these negotiations,'' Mr. Stavis said. However, Kenneth Walton of the F.B.I. New York office, who is in charge of the antiterrorist task force, said he was not aware of any plea bargaining.

''Perhaps some effort is going to be made to escalate this out of all proportion,'' Mr. Stavis told the court. ''But this case is unconnected and disconnected with the recent series of events.''

Couple Lived in the Bronx

The couple had lived in apartment 6C at 2965 Decatur Avenue in the Bronx under the names John and Sally Maynard. Mr. Jones, who once gave his hometown as Sylmar, Calif., after an arrest in Chicago in 1969, had been associated since his teens with the radical wing of Students for a Democratic Society. which became the Weathermen. In 1967 he went to Cambodia with Cathlyn P. Wilkerson and Steve Halliwell of S.D.S. to meet with the Vietcong, and organized antiwar demonstrations in Chicago that summer.

Miss Raskin grew up in New York and attended Barnard College and Columbia Law School. She is believed to be divorced from her former husband, who was named Raskin. Her father, Arthur Stein, was an economist in the New Deal and her mother, Annie, was active in social causes such as civil rights. Her mother died earlier this year and her father had died some time previously.

Mr. Jones was one of 11 members who prepared an S.D.S. manifesto calling for armed violence in the summer of 1969. The cover of the manifesto had a silhouette of a guerrilla fighter and a line from Bob Dylan's 1965 song ''Subterranean Homesick Blues'' -- ''You don't need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows.'' The faction advocating violence and alliance with armed groups such as the Black Panthers came to be called the Weathermen after the manifesto cover; the name was later changed to Weatherpeople and then Weather Underground when female members protested.

Appeared in Underground Movie

In 1969, Miss Raskin was a co-author with Miss Boudin of ''The Bust Book,'' a manual for radicals about what to do after arrest. According to most estimates, there were about 300 active members of the Weather movement in late 1969 and about 40 who went underground early the next year to start a terrorist campaign. Mr. Jones had been listed as interorganizational secretary when the group was founded and later was known as one of the five-member central committee, along with Miss Boudin, Miss Wilkerson, Bernardine Dohrn and William B. Ayers.

In 1975 Mr. Jones appeared in an underground movie with the four other leaders, with their faces turned from the camera to avoid identification. Mr. Jones recounted the experiences of ''the group'' in the bombing of the United States Capitol on March 1, 1971. He said the bomb, placed in a storage room behind the Senate barbershop, had failed to go off the first time, so that the participants had to return the next day to retrigger it. A caller alerted the Capitol police a half-hour before the blast, so that there were no injuries; damage was estimated at $100,000.

Beginning about 1975, when the Weathermen set off the last of more than 20 bombs in public places, there was a debate among the remaining members about whether to surface and resume legal political activity or to stay in the terrorist underground. Mr. Jones was believed to have favored what the group called ''inversion'' or surfacing while Miss Boudin was believed to support continued armed violence.

The next trace of Mr. Jones and Miss Raskin was in Hobo-ken in 1979, when police raided an apartment where materials for making bombs were found. The apartment was traced to the couple, who were indicted in absentia.

Copyright 1981 The New York Times Company

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20. "Return of the Weatherman," Newsweek, November 2, 1981, United States Edition, National Affairs; Pg. 30, 2761 Words, Peter McGrath with Susan Agrest and Eric Gelman in New York, Ray Saywhill in Nyack, and Frank Gibney Jr. and George Hackett in Stamford

* * *

Michael Koch was driving to a friend's gas station one afternoon last week when he noticed a roadblock at a Nyack entrance to the New York Thruway. Suddenly, gunshots rang out and Koch, an off-duty corrections officer at Rikers Island prison, slammed his car to a stop, pulled out his .38-caliber revolver and sprinted toward the action on the embankment above. Black men -- he couldn't say how many -- were spraying the area with automatic weapons. Koch saw one policeman fall in the deadly hail, another dive for cover. Then a white woman appeared, running toward the thruway, and Koch leveled his gun at her. "Don't!" he shouted, and she stopped, raising her hands. As he began to frisk her, she struggled momentarily, then gave in and began to shout: "I didn't shoot him, he did." Koch marched her back to the shooting scene, bloody in the aftermath: the gunmen were escaping, but officer Waverly Brown lay dead, one lung half out of his shredded chest, and Sgt. Edward O'Grady was mortally wounded.

Without knowing it, Michael Koch had captured one of America's best-known former fugitives: Katherine Boudin, a veteran of the long-dormant Weather Underground.* Boudin was last seen eleven years ago fleeing naked from the ruins of the Greenwich Village town house she and her comrades were using for a bomb factory. The discovery of her true identity, hours later, set minds spinning and law-enforcement officials scrambling: was the radical left back in business and ready for blood?

* The Weather Underground was a derivative of the Weatherman, a radical group spawned in the late 1960s. The name was taken from a line in an antiwar song by Bob Dylan called "Subterranean Homesick Blues." The line: "You don't need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows."

The answer seemed to be a qualified yes. A wave of police searched apartments in New York and New Jersey and turned up suggestions that the Nyack shoot-out might have been the result of a larger plan gone awry -- a plan possibly linking the Weather Underground with an urban-guerrilla group called the Black Liberation Army (BLA) in a new biracial alliance. As other suspects were seized, the names alone recalled the turbulence of the late 1960s and early 1970s: in addition to Boudin, they included Judith A. Clark, a Weather Underground leader also arrested in the Nyack incident; Nathaniel Burns, a fugitive Black Panther sought since 1968 on bombing charges, arrested last week after a high-speed chase in Queens, and Jeffrey Jones and his girlfriend, Eleanor Raskin, prominent members of the Weather Underground wanted in connection with the 1979 discovery of a bomb factory in New Jersey. Tantalizingly out of reach of the police was another figure, Joanne Chesimard, said to be "the soul" of the BLA and eagerly sought since her 1979 escape from prison, where she was serving a life sentence for murdering a New Jersey state trooper (page 33). Chesimard's connection to the shoot-out in Nyack was unclear, but law-enforcement officials had a hunch she was involved and on the move, just a step or two ahead of them. One thing was clear: lawmen had on their hands one of the biggest cases of its kind since the house on West 11th Street exploded and Kathy Boudin vanished.

The shoot-out began as an armored-car robbery in semirural Rockland County, N.Y., about 20 miles outside Manhattan, at a shopping mall in the hamlet of Nanuet. A Brink's truck was being loaded with the day's receipts from the branch of a local bank. Just as guard Joseph Trombino reached the truck with the bags of cash, two men jumped out of a passing van and opened fire with shotguns. A third man emerged from the mall and began shooting a 9-mm automatic. Brink's guard Peter Paige fell dead instantly, and Trombino took a bullet in the shoulder. The gunmen grabbed the money-six bags containing $1.6 million--and roared a way in the van. Half a mile up the road, at another shopping plaza, two getaway vehicles were waiting--a tan Honda and a small U-Haul truck. The robbers split up and sped off. But suspicious onlookers called police--and 5 miles away the robbers came to the roadblock at the thruway.

Crash: As detective Arthur Keenan of the Nyack police later recounted in court, the police pulled the U-Haul over. Boudin and the driver --a white man -- got out, offering no resistance, and Keenan searched the cab. Finding nothing, he tried the rear door, and found it locked. He was walking back to his fellow officers when he heard a sound--and turned to see several black men springing from the truck, their automatic rifles already spewing bullets. After out-shooting the police, the men commandeered cars from passing motorists and escaped; the Honda went past the roadblock untouched. Later, police said, the escaping criminals ditched the commandeered cars, switching to a white Oldsmobile and a maroon Ford. The two cars left the Nyack area at high speed -- but some onlookers remembered the license-plate numbers. Police picked up the trail of the Honda as it turned into the placid town of Nyack -- and in a high-speed chase, the driver lost control of the car, crashing into a concrete wall. The driver, a bearded white man who called himself James Hackford, was actually a Weather Underground member named David J. Gilbert. The other passengers were Clark, who identified herself correctly, and a black man who said he was Solomon Bouines, later identified as Samuel Brown, an ex-convict with an arrest record stretching back to 1958 but with no known political affiliations.
As police and FBI agents broadened their investigations, the cast of characters grew. The tan Honda was registered to Eve Rosahn, an anti-apartheid activist who had been arrested in September in a violent protest against the American tour of the South African Springboks rugby team. More important, the registration for the Oldsmobile, found abandoned in Pelham, N.Y., led police to an apartment in East Orange, N.J., rented by a "Nina Lewis." The [search led to the discovery] of firearms and ammunition, bomb-making equipment -- and apparent plans for police assassinations and demolition of precinct stations in New York City.

That search also produced an address in the Bronx -- another apartment rented by "Lewis," where police found more guns and ammunition, walkie-talkies and a Viet Cong flag. At that point they began to suspect that the two apartments might be part of a network of bomb factories and hide-outs for use by a fusion of two underground groups. The missing link between the two was "Nina Lewis," who police say is actually Marilyn Jean Buck, a veteran activist described as the BLA's "quartermaster" and its only white member. Authorities suspect her of driving the getaway car for Chesimard's jailbreak, and she is now being sought as the driver of the white Oldsmobile at the Nyack shoot-out.

Gun Battle: Soon there was another possible link to the BLA -- and it, too, followed a bloody shoot-out. Driving through Queens, detective Daniel Kelly of the New York City police spotted a gray Chrysler bearing New Jersey tag 573 LDU -- the same license plate seen on the maroon Ford escaping from Nyack. The Ford had been spotted two days earlier outside an apartment in Mt. Vernon, N.Y., where police found blood-stained clothing, but the car had disappeared before it could be searched. In Queens, Kelly and other officers gave chase, eventually cornering the two occupants of the Chrysler in a bleak industrial area in the shadows of Shea Stadium. In the ensuing gun battle, one of the men, Samuel Smith, was killed and the other -- Nathaniel Burns -- was captured. Both men were former Black Panthers. Were the two involved in the Brink's robbery and murder? Police weren't sure, but some curious facts came out: Burns's African name is Sekou Odinga, and a man of that name was at the Clinton women's prison in New Jersey the day Joanne Chesimard escaped. Burns's wife, Naomi Odinga, is known to belong to the BLA.

The bizarre case took another twist late Friday night, when evidence uncovered in the earlier searches led FBI agents to an apartment house in the Bronx. Two agents showed the building superintendent, Patrick Dineen, and his wife, Margaret, pictures of John and Sarah Maynard. The Dineens verified that the couple lived there. The agents then told the Dineens that the Maynards were really members of the Weather Underground -- and left, returning later with a third agent to call the Maynard apartment from the Dineens' phone. "Mr. Maynard, is your wife there?" one agent asked. Maynard apparently said she was. "Remain calm, we don't want anyone to get hurt," he said, explaining that the FBI had a dozen agents sealing off every possible exit. "Come to the door with your hands on your head." The Maynards did -- and the FBI moved in to arrest them.

In fact, "John and Sarah Maynard" were Jeffrey Jones and Eleanor Raskin, key figures in the Weather Underground at the height of its activities during the early 1970s, when it claimed responsibility for a number of bombings -- including an explosion at the U.S. Capitol. The two had been sought since 1979, when a raid on an apartment in Hoboken, N.J., uncovered what local police described as a bomb factory filled with enough explosives and detonation devices to blow the roof off the building. There was no immediate evidence tying either Jones or Raskin to the Nyack shoot-out, but both may have belonged to the "May 19 Coalition," a group said to include Boudin and Clark and several black radicals. (The coalition adopted May 19 because it was the birth date of both Ho Chi Minh and Malcolm X.) At the weekend it was not clear whether the May 19 Coalition was actually the fusion group of BLA and the Weather Underground that police were investigating.

In a sense, the capture of Jones and Raskin, following the arrests of Boudin and Clark, could mark the end of the Weather Underground. All four had remained at the core of the group from the time it was first founded in 1969 as the Weatherman group, a militant, violence-prone offshoot of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). They were undeterred when the group was forced underground in 1970 by the revelation of its Greenwich Village bomb factory -- and they survived the tensions between male and female members that undermined the group in the mid-1970s, forcing the change of name to the sexually neutral "Weather Underground." When the group broke apart in 1976, some members urged a return to an aboveground life of community and labor organization; others continued to push guerrilla tactics, and Boudin, Clark, Jones and Raskin apparently tried to make the center hold.

If all are convicted as charged, the leadership of the group would be seriously eroded. Most of the other early leaders have already gone public, some to move on to quieter lives. Mark Rudd, who first achieved notoriety during the Columbia University riots of 1968, came out of hiding in 1977, was fined $2,000 and given two years' probation for his part in the Weatherman's "Days of Rage" rampage in Chicago in 1969; he now lives in New Mexico, where he teaches at the Albuquerque Technical-Vocational Institute. Cathlyn Wilkerson, like Boudin a survivor of the town-house explosion that killed three Weathermen, surrendered in July 1980 on charges stemming from that incident and is serving a three-year term in a New York state prison. And last December the group's two central figures finally emerged. Bernardine Dohrn and William Ayers had spent several years living in Manhattan under fictitious names. Dohrn was fined and put on probation for the Days of Rage; charges against Ayers had been dropped years earlier.

'Angry': For holdouts like Boudin, life underground has been increasingly lonely. For the past several years, she has been living under assumed names in New York City, most recently sharing an apartment with another woman, Rita Jensen, and her two teenage children. The 38-year-old Boudin herself has a child, a 1-year-old son named Chesa, possibly fathered by her co-defendant David Gilbert. Although she is the daughter of Leonard Boudin, one of the country's most prominent civil-rights lawyers, Kathy Boudin has lived on welfare since early 1980. Residents of her building describe her as "very hard looking, an angry looking woman," but a friend who knew her as "Lynn Adams" takes a kinder view: "I always thought she was a tragic figure, someone who got stuck in lost causes and never got her act together." He recalls once bringing her child a present, a balloon in the shape of a frog. Boudin was thrilled: "She said very few people knew about her and her baby, and she wondered why she was so isolated,"

Jensen, 35, added to the confusion last week by revealing that even though she is an investigative reporter with a reputation for thoroughness, she lived with "Lynn Adams" for several years without suspecting a thing. "I couldn't believe it," she said in an interview in her newspaper, the Stamford (Conn.) Advocate. "A gun in our house would be intolerable. " Despite her disclaimer, some were skeptical, including present and former newspaper colleagues. "Rita was so intelligent . . . there is no way she wouldn't have known who Boudin was," said a reporter for the Paterson (N. J.) News, where Jensen had worked earlier. The reporter also recalled Jensen once saying she would be spending Thanksgiving "with my roommate, Kathy," but no one else NEWSWEEK questioned reported such an incident. Her own newspaper's doubts about her story were clear in the lead paragraph of an article published the day after her interview; it said that Jensen had known "Lynn Adams" for seven or eight years, a report Jensen then denied. One other intriguing name has arisen in relation to Rita Jensen: several Paterson colleagues report that on her desk she kept some sort of picture or poster of Joanne Chesimard of the BLA.

The other arrested Weather Underground members seem to have had a somewhat more normal life. Judy Clark, 31, was not even a fugitive, having served a few months in jail in 1970 for taking part in the Days of Rage, before her conviction was overturned on the ground that the evidence had been gathered by illegal surveillance. Since then she has apparently been living in Manhattan, most recently with two other women and her infant daughter in a rentstruck building on the city's scruffy upper West Side, holding down temporary jobs.

David Gilbert, wanted in Colorado for arson and assault on a police officer, has been living in New York and working as a furniture mover under the alias "Lou Wasserman." Jeffrey Jones and Eleanor Raskin were living quietly in the Bronx, proud parents of a 3or 4-year-old son, Timmy. Their neighbors found them polite if aloof, but thought it odd that the "Maynards" had a steady stream of visitors at all hours of the day and night. What one FBI agent said of Boudin applied just as well to any of them: "She could do just about anything in New York and not be noticed."

'Honkies': At the weekend, with the dragnet broadening and many leads left to pursue, a number of important questions remained about the events that began in Nanuet. Was a hostile foreign country like Cuba somehow involved, as some, including the Wall Street Journal, speculated? From the beginning the Weathermen were attracted to the Cuban revolution, and many of them visited Cuba -- usually as part of the sugar-cane-cutting venceremos ("We shall conquer") brigade. But the FBI said last week it had no evidence of current links between the Cuban Government and American radicals. Besides, says Carl Oglesby, a former SDS president and an insightful historian of the New Left, the young Americans in Cuba always received more exhortation than actual training in anything: "They were told 'You're just a bunch of toughtalking honkies. You talk a big revolution, but that means guns, bombs, underground organization'. . . They stole their hearts away --  not their minds, but their hearts."

A bigger question was whether the robbery-murder was part of a larger blackwhite conspiracy. FBI deputy assistant director Kenneth Walton said he didn't doubt that "there is an association." But the FBI didn't know whether the association was a full-bore conspiracy against public institutions and private property -- or a temporary marriage of convenience by two aging, shrinking groups. Investigators were pushing ahead; meanwhile, Rockland County buried its dead and seven jailed people stared at a future aboveground that was likely to be no better than the past underneath.

GRAPHIC: Picture 1, Boudin under arrest in Nanuet: 'I didn't shoot him', AP; Picture 2, Nathaniel Burns in custody: a link to the Brink's affair? UPI; Picture 3, Death in the afternoon: A bloody autumn battle outside New York City, UPI; Pictures 4 and 5, Gilbert, Clark under arrest: A larger conspiracy gone awry? AP photos; Picture 6, Smith lies dead after Queens chase: Second act? Michael Lipack -- New York Daily News; Picture 7, Buck: The BLA 'quartermaster'; Picture 8, Above-ground: Boudin with Viet Cong flag in '69, UPI; Picture 9, Wreckage of the 1970 explosion on Eleventh Street, UPI

Copyright 1981 Newsweek

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21.
"Jones Pleads Guilty to Bomb Charge, Faces Chicago Charge," The Associated Press, November 5, 1981, Thursday, PM cycle, Domestic News, 426 words, by Ruth Bonapace, Associated Press Writer

* * *

DATELINE: JERSEY CITY, N.J.

A prosecutor says he agreed to a plea bargain with Weather Underground member Jeffrey C. Jones because evidence in the bombing case was too weak to assure a conviction if it went to trial.

Jones, 34, pleaded guilty Wednesday to manufacturing a bomb. In return, the state dropped charges against him and his common-law wife of possession of a bomb and intent to use a bomb illegally.

Hudson County Prosecutor Harold J. Ruvoldt Jr. said Wednesday that the charges against Jones, who had been living in hiding for years before his arrest, were based largely on circumstantial evidence.

"Proving intent is very difficult. A jury could only infer it," Ruvoldt said.

Jones was scheduled to appear in Chicago criminal court to-day to face charges of assaulting a police officer during a political demonstration in 1968.

Jones was arrested Oct. 23 after police uncovered evidence of his whereabouts during an investigation of a Brink's truck robbery and murders of a Brink's guard and two policemen in Rockland County, N.Y., about 25 miles north of Manhattan. Three other members of the Weather Underground are among the suspects in the robbery, but authorities say Jones isn't linked to the case.

Superior Court Judge Geoffrey Gaulkin freed Jones on $10,000 cash bail Wednesday and ordered him to return to New Jersey Dec. 17 for sentencing. Jones faces up to 18 months in prison and a $7,500 fine.

At the time of sentencing, an indictment against Eleanor Stein Raskin, Jones' common-law wife, is to be dismissed.

Among the half-dozen friends and supporters who watched from the court gallery as Jones submitted his plea were Ms. Raskin, former Weather Underground leader Bernadine Dohrn, and Jones' parents.

Earlier, when Ms. Raskin came to the gallery and told the group about the pending agreement, Ms. Dohrn clutched her arm and said, "That's so good. Maybe we will have a nice Thanksgiving after all."

Jones and Ms. Raskin, 35, were charged two years ago with making pipe bombs in their Hoboken apartment. Fire officials allegedly found marijuana plants on the fire escape and a sub-sequent search by police turned up a pocket watch, wires, detonators, pipes, rubber gloves and two cans of gunpowder.

The couple's attorney, Morton Stavis, said his clients were arrested in the "wave of hysteria" following the Brink's robbery.

There was nothing there tying them up with Brink's," Stavis said. "The FBI said they were only investigating a connection. We were in plea-bargaining before Brink's and this is just taking up where we left off."

Copyright 1981 Associated Press
All Rights Reserved

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22 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The New York Times

November 22, 1981, Sunday, Late City Final Edi-tion

THE SEEDS OF TERROR

SECTION: Section 6; Page 35, Column 1; Magazine Desk

LENGTH: 6671 words

Lucinda Franks, a freelance writer and former Times re-porter, covered the antiwar movement and won the l971 Pulit-zer Prize for national reporting for a series written with Thomas Powers for United Press International.
By Lucinda Franks
It is a warm August night in Ann Arbor, Mich., in l970. The house I have come to visit looks like so many other houses built for the returning heros of World War II: a rambling split-level, with a flagstone path that leads to the front door. Beyond that door, however, the lighting is dim, mattresses are scattered about on the dusty floor. The smells are reminiscent of a bazaar: overripe fruit, marijuana, baby formula, gasoline from freshly mixed Molotov cocktails that are lined up on the bookshelves like soda pop in a grocery.
Men, women and children wander about the rooms as aim-lessly as house cats. They eat when hungry, sleep when tired. On this night, however, two of the men have a purpose. They have backed me so close against the wall that I can count the whiskers in their beards. To my right and to my left is a photo gallery of F.B.I. agents and policemen across whose faces have been scrawled: ''Off the pigs. ... Mash the pigs. ... Stick the pigs.''
This suburban house is the commune of a radical organiza-tion known as the White Panthers. It also happens to be an oc-casional hideout for fugitive Weathermen, self-proclaimed revolutionaries who had their beginnings in the student move-ment of the l960's. At age 23, I am considered sympathetic enough to gain entrance to the house, but I am also a reporter and it is unclear whether I'll be found politically pure enough to leave. If you are not part of the solution, they like to say, you are part of the problem. They search my briefcase. They fire questions at me, one after another. In the flickering candlelight, I watch their shadows moving across the ceiling like gunmen stealing through an alley.
There were no guns in those days, of course. They would come later. There were the bombs, however - crude, amateurish devices - and just five months before my visit to the house in Ann Arbor, one of them had gone off by mistake in a Green-wich Village townhouse, killing the three Weathermen who had been making them. I had come to the White Panther house in quest of the story of one of those casualties, Diana Oughton. My interest was personal as well as journalistic: Diana had come from the same kind of Middle Western background I had and had believed many of the same things I did. Yet in the end, her goal had been to destroy everything we were both brought up to love and value.
At age 28, Diana succeeded in destroying only herself. But one of her comrades, a woman who, like Diana, had been an honor student at Bryn Mawr College, escaped from the rubble of that townhouse to continue what she had begun. Her name was Kathy Boudin, and a month ago, in Nyack, N.Y., she was arrested for armed robbery and the murder of two policeman, one of them black, and a Brink's guard. Arrested also were Ju-dith Clark and David Gilbert, Weatherman fugitives who were thought to have given up their revolutionary war; instead, they had joined forces with black guerrillas to wage a new campaign of terror.
After the townhouse explosion, I spent six weeks tracing the life of Diana Oughton, spending time with her family and duck-ing in and out of her revolutionary underground like a fugitive myself. Since then, I have continued periodically to meet with sources close to the Weathermen and to write about the evolu-tion of the movement whose history came to such a cataclysmic end in the sleepy village of Nyack.
The underground back in l970 was not so much a place as a state of mind. The term encompassed everyone - fugitive and nonfugitive - who believed that a ''New Nation'' was being born and the revolution was coming. They stood apart, as if at the edge of a highlands lake where only two kinds of folk, the Peo-ple and the Pigs, existed and ''Amerika,'' the embodiment of evil, rose up and haunted their lives like some Loch Ness mon-ster. Most, in the passage of time, gave up this antivision, but some, like Kathy Boudin, did not.
She and the other white radicals involved in the Nyack mas-sacre traveled down a long spiral: from idealistic students to peaceful protestors to rioters trashing the streets to revolution-ary cadres bent on shedding their ''white-skin privilege'' to fugi-tives planting bombs in empty buildings to women and men ac-cused of assasinating the very ''people'' they said they were fighting for.
Their odyssey is a very American one where numerous ele-ments - guilt, rage, idealism, delusion - come into play like characters in an classic tragedy. And like all tragedies, it has its roots in the past.
A windmill that you can see from miles away guides you to the estate of Jim and Jane Oughton in the tiny Illinois town of Dwight. The driveway takes you past woodlands full of deer and exotic trees. This is a family as American as the 2,000 acres of corn-fields which they have owned for generations. One of Diana's ancestors founded the Boy Scouts of America; another built the first institute to treat alcoholism as a disease. The Oughtons paved the village streets, built the waterworks and furnished land for the schools and the cemetary.
Jim Oughton, a liberal Republican and a former Illinois leg-islator, wanders from room to room looking for clues to the mystery of who his oldest daughter really was, who she had really been. His wife keeps seeing Diana stalking the halls, waving her hands and saying, ''It's the only way, Mummy; we've got to bring the war home.''
Since her death five months before this summer evening in l970, they have not had the heart to touch her room and it re-mains filled with the mobiles and painted desk of her child-hood. Photographs of her seem to be all over the house. Diana, the child, sitting proudly on a tractor with her father: ''She was always a farmer at heart, like me.'' Diana, with long blond hair, giggling on the couch with her nanny, Ruthie: ''When her friend from across the tracks had to be sent away because her family couldn't feed her, she cried for a week. 'Why do we have to be so rich, Ruthie?' she asked.'' Diana, home from Bryn Mawr, in suede skirt and sandals. ''Sending her there was the worst mis-take of my life,'' says her father. ''She wouldn't go to deb par-ties. She went Bohemian.'' Diana, home from Guatemala, where she slept on a dirt floor, worked with peasants and finally came to believe that American aid was going into the pockets of the rich, who kept the poor poorer. ''When she came back, she gave away her fancy clothes and took some old ones from the attic. The fun was gone out of her,'' says Ruthie. Diana home for her final Christmas, her toothbrush in a paper bag. ''Her arms were no thicker than her wrists and she didn't have presents for any-one,'' says her mother. Diana, in her last picture, a mugshot, hair shorn, a blank look in her eyes. Fingerprints taken at the same time at a Chicago police station were the only thing that could identify her remains in the Greenwich Village townhouse.
We are sitting around the dining table, eating the first sweet corn of the season. I have come to Dwight to find answers from the Oughtons, but it is they who want answers from me. ''You remind me of Diana,'' says Jim Oughton. ''If you were she, sit-ting here two or three years ago, we could talk about anything - Communism, the war, poverty. I was proud of her idealism. But near the end, she just wouldn't talk to me anymore. Why was that, do you think? She wouldn't come home for very long and when she did, she would bring a coterie of radical hairy friends to protect her. Let the old Diana laugh and she would suddenly close up. Her friends would counter my theories, if they lis-tened to them at all, with a sarcastic 'Oh, wow, man.' They sur-rounded themselves with an invisible barrier. She loved us deeply, but her revolution said we were her greatest enemy. What is this revolution? Does anyone know?''
I was born in a small town not far away called Kankakee, and a close mutual friend, Jean Alice Small, a local newspaper publisher, had brought me together with the Oughtons. Al-though I had never known Diana, we had gone to similar East-ern colleges and had followed the same path, common to our generation, from civil-rights advocates to participants in the anti-Vietnam war movement. My last year of high school had seen the assassination of President Kennedy, and my last year at college, the gunning down of Martin Luther King and Robert Kennedy.
In anger, I left the country. While I was making my way as an expatriate reporter for U.P.I., Diana was taking up clubs in the streets of Chicago. I could explain to Jim Oughton the frus-tration we experienced over our inability to end the war, the shame we felt at being labeled imperialists by our European peers, but I was unable to explain to him what made his daugh-ter take that final step from idealistic reformer to violent and implacable foe.
One month before Diana's death, Jean Alice Small had paid a visit to Jane Oughton. ''We have lost our daughter,'' Jane said, sitting ramrod straight. Jean Alice volunteered to invite Diana over for a talk, if Jane thought it might help. ''Sure, she'll come over to your house,'' Jane said, ''to blow it up.''
On a quiet street in Greenwich Village, Jean and Leonard Boudin live in a townhouse that is warm, comfortable and clut-tered with mementos from trips abroad. Jean is a poet, and Leo-nard, a civil libertarian and devoted constitutional lawyer who defended more targets of Joe McCarthy's witch hunt than any other member of the bar. Their home has always been a salon for leftist intellectuals, and their daughter, Kathy, grew up im-mersed in their ideas. She also frequently saw the inability of her father's beloved law to help the victims of injustice.
In her junior year at Bryn Mawr, her parents received a col-lect call from the Chester, Pa., jail, where she had been incar-cerated for demonstrating against conditions at a local black school. Jean was furious at her for neglecting her studies and for acting upon her parents beliefs at the expense of her own well-being. In response to criticism from her fellow students at Bryn Mawr, who said she had brought disgrace on the college, she replied in the school paper: ''If desired ends cannot be achieved within the law ... then new methods must be adopted.'' About this same time, she told her father that she wouldn't be going to law school after college.
Diana was a year older than Kathy and the two girls were never good friends at college. Her junior year, Diana went to Munich, where she encountered anti-Americanism for the first time. Kathy went to Moscow for her senior year, and wrote af-terward that although she found Soviet society repressive, it made her realize that the American system was no better, be-cause freedom of speech and the press could not rid the society of racism and imperialism.
Following graduation, their routes were startlingly similar. After her two years in Guatemala, Diana taught in a Federal lit-eracy program in Philadelphia; her apartment contained only a bed and a table, and her cupboards were generally bare, save for the caviar and other delicacies sent by her mother.
Kathy worked in a Cleveland slum with welfare mothers; when Jean Boudin visited her, she shuddered at the roaches and rats. Both Diana and Kathy soon came to the conclusion that their efforts in community service were being stymied by gov-ernment bureaucracy. Diana was particularly bitter over her failure to get a Federal grant to continue the experimental un-structured children's school she had founded with her boyfriend, Bill Ayers, in Ann Arbor. Ironically, it was the black parents who killed the grant; they wanted their kids to learn to read and write, just like whites. In l969, both Kathy and Diana, by then close comrades, went to Cuba as part of a Students for a De-mocratic Society (S.D.S.) delegation. And both came back starry-eyed about Castro and his educational reforms.
Cuba had been a shaping force in Kathy's life for some time. She had gone there in 1961, during her freshman year, and chose to stay with Cuban students rather than with her father, who happened to be in Havana representing Castro's new Gov-ernment. In an underground film made about the Weathermen, Kathy described how she watched a parade celebrating the Cu-ban revolution. Suddenly, she realized that, along with the crowd, she was ''cheering for tanks and guns, which was some-thing completely opposite to what I had been brought up to do.'' Her Cuban friend saw her eyes fill up with tears and told her that it was her country which made them have such a parade. ''Three months later, the Bay of Pigs invasion occurred,'' she said, ''and I understood what he meant.''
White-skin privilege. Rich bitches. Spoiled kids. Bourgeois liberals. The young radicals of the Vietnam era set out to prove that such phrases did not apply to them. Not all had come from rich homes. Some were middle- and even lower-middle-class. But all had the illusion of great - and shameful -advantage. Once, when Kathy and Diana visited a married school chum in a comfortable but simple apartment in Chicago, Kathy - whose father did too much pro bono work ever to get rich -looked around aghast: ''The only people I know who live like this,'' she said, ''are friends of my parents.'' The notions of morality and social responsibility that came out of the more radical segments of the civil-rights movement dictated that if you were not black, poor, hungry and homeless, your conscience should be bur-dened.
As important to the development of the Weathermen as their economic backgrounds were the political environments which nurtured them. Many of their parents were leftists or at least liberals. Children need to surpass their parents. Diana could not become richer than her father, but she could become poorer - and purer. Kathy, who grew cynical about the law, had to go one step farther than her radical father; she had to find a more powerful - and forbidden - way to fight injustice.
The news of the antiwar riots at the 1968 Democratic Na-tional Convention were splashed in red across the London newspapers. In the Fleet Street U.P.I. office, we all imagined that wide-scale roundups and curfews were imminent. The Brit-ish, as down on America as the rest of the world in those days, portrayed the American police as storm troopers bent on extin-guishing an entire generation. I remember thinking guiltily that I should have been there. I was a member of S.D.S.; I had helped organize a Vietnam teach-in at Vassar; I should have been there in Chicago along with my peers, putting my head in the path of a nightstick.
Over the next year, the S.D.S. slowly disintegrated. All those bloodied heads, the arrests and indictments and trials, had not ended the war, and a more militant group bent on making an impact by whatever means took over the organization. June 1969 saw the birth of the Weatherman (the name was taken from the lyrics of a Bob Dylan song: ''You don't need a weath-erman to know which way the wind blows''). Its 25,000-word manifesto declared that white radicals would bring about a worldwide revolution by fighting in the streets of the ''Mother Country.''
The organization, which initially claimed some 400 mem-bers, committed acts of ''revolutionary violence'' across the na-tion. Weathermen tried to impress and recruit working-class youths by going into drive-in hamburger joints and picking fights with police; they burst into schools and broke up classes, yelling: ''Jailbreak!'' A delegation that went to Cuba that July met with representatives of the Vietnamese National Liberation Front, who advised them to build a street-fighting guerrilla force.
Within a very short time, that is exactly what they did. Sepa-rating into collectives of 10 to 20 persons each, they attempted to create what they called a ''Red Army.'' One Weatherman would later tell me that in order to rid the members of their bourgeois habits, the collectives forced couples to separate, re-quired homosexuality, drugtaking and round-the-clock sessions of self-criticism. One time, they skinned and ate an alley cat. My contact, thin, trembling and glassyeyed, said that the houses were full of dirty dishes, rancid food and stinking toilets. Often rising at dawn, they would practice karate, train at rifle clubs, and enact scenarios to work out how they would grapple with police and where they would kick them. Part of the day was de-voted to the study of radical literature, from the anarchist Kro-potkin to Mao to Che to Malcolm X. Their communes were of-ten rented houses, which they redesigned by fencing off back yards, putting chicken wire over the windows, blacking panes and padlocking doors. They cut themselves off from family and friends, and gave all their money to a common fund which was used to purchase shields, helmets, and weapons. The money the Boudins sent to Kathy never put shoes on her feet or new strings on her guitar. The dividend checks from Diana's share of the Oughton farm also went to finance the revolution. The gaso-line credit card her father had given her was used to fill the tank of many a getaway car.
In October l969, their basic training complete, some 200 Weathermen descended on Chicago for what they named the four ''Days of Rage.'' Wearing helmets and brandishing chains and pipes, they traveled through the Loop and Gold Coast ar-eas, indiscriminantly smashing windshields and store windows and beating up passers-by. About 70 members of a women's mi-litia marched into Grant Park; Kathy Boudin, her hair cropped and face pressed into an expression worthy of Joan of Arc, car-ried the Viet Cong flag on a heavy pole. Diana, gritting her teeth, charged through police lines and was immediately over-powered. They were both hustled into police vans with several others, and the rest of the women, some of them crying, were escorted to a nearby subway station.
Later that day, Jim Oughton picked up his attorney and had his chauffeur drive immediately to the Chicago jail where Diana was being held in $5,000 bail. He paid it and then tried gently to coax her home. But Diana, who seemed subdued and resigned, asked to be driven instead to a church in Evanston, where all the Weathermen were staying. When she got out of the car, her friends rushed over and crowded around her and she did not look back at her father.
Desperate not to lose his daughter completely, Jim Oughton never failed to come through for her. He was always there with more money, shelter and support when she needed it. Leonard Boudin went even farther; he openly fought on Kathy's behalf. He defended the documentary-movie director Emile de Anto-nio, who had secretly filmed the fugitive Weathermen, includ-ing Kathy, and who was refusing to cooperate with Government investigators trying to locate the fugitives. He tried to help Cathy Wilkerson, one of the Weatherman fugitives, when she recently surrendered. And when his daugther was arrested after the Nyack murders, he was there by her side. Other former radical fugitives, such as Jane Alpert, who conspired to bomb eight New York Government and corporate buildings in l970, have told of similarly helpful parents.
Having suffered the hardships of war and depression them-selves, parents in the l960's catered to their children's every whim. This indulgence the Weathermen treated with contempt and wanted to obliterate in their quest to become true revolu-tionaries. Ironically, it may have been the one thing that al-lowed them to continue being revolutionaries long after there was any possibility of revolution. They lacked a good healthy fear of life, having received few of its blows. Sheltered and pro-tected for so long, they felt invincible. Even when they went underground, as much as they liked to deny it, they felt they could always go back.
If the Days of Rage were meant to convince the world that the Weathermen were not summertime soldiers but serious war-riors, it had just the opposite effect. The Black Panther leader Fred Hampton called them ''adventuristic, masochistic and Cus-teristic.'' It is ironic that, two months later, the Weathermen convened a ''War Council'' in Flint, Mich., and covered the walls with red and black posters of Hampton, who had by then been shot dead by police. They were determined to plug them-selves into the black revolution, whether the black revolution wanted them or not.
''All white babies are pigs,'' one Weatherman shouted during the council, in which some 400 people crowded into a large hall hung with signs reading ''Piece (that is, guns) now.'' Bernardine Dohrn, who later took control of the organization when it went underground, made a speech accusing the left of being scared ''honkies'' for not burning down Chicago when Hampton was killed, and urging her audience to take up arms and be ''a fight-ing force alongside the blacks.'' The Weathermen were to be-come as savage as Charles Manson, who massacred Sharon Tate and her friends in her Beverly Hills home. Dohrn said: ''Dig it, first they killed those pigs, then they ate dinner in the same room with them, then they even shoved a fork into a vic-tim's stomach. Wild!''
These words, which sounded so powerfully and evilly sick then, today seem only pathetic - like the child in a temper tan-trum who tries to think of the worst possible names to call his mother. The talk of using guns in armed struggle was then no more than rhetoric. What lurked behind the words was far more menacing, however, and prepared the ground for the events in Nyack 11 years later. It was not just a revolution from the in-side out the Weathermen wanted, but one from the outside in. They were the white-pig babies, the seed that the white estab-lishment had planted in the soil of ''Amerika,'' and they wanted to dig it up and cast it to the wind. It was themselves as indi-viduals that they wanted to destroy.
After the Flint War Council in December, the Weather Bu-reau, recognizing that their lack of widespread popularity boded ill for building a mass movement, decided to form a secret guerrilla army immediately. They split up into affinity groups of four or five and worked at a manic pitch to assemble and construct bombs. Only about 75 were chosen for this mission, and the rest were purged, or dropped out of their own accord. The organization obliterated what was left of S.D.S., which had mobilized thousands to protest the war through the 1960's, in the same spirit as they wiped out their pasts. A contingent shredded and burned all the records at S.D.S. headquarters in Chicago; there were to be no groups in the future who would rival their own way of doing things.
The New York cell contained two Weather leaders, Kathy Boudin and Cathlyn Wilkerson, as well as Diana, and two other active Weathermen, Terry Robbins and Ted Gold, and was lo-cated at the West 11th Street home of Cathlyn Wilkerson's fa-ther, who was away at the time. After firebombing the home of the judge in the conspiracy trial of the Black Panther 21 - a group of militant Black Panthers charged with bombing a long list of targets including department stores and police stations - the Weatherman cell decided more dramtic and damaging ac-tion was needed. On March 2, one of the Weathermen pur-chased two 50-pound cases of dynamite in New Hampshire for a planned random bombing of buildings at Columbia Univer-sity, the site of student uprisings in the spring of 1968. The 11th Street cell members debated whether to use antipersonnel bombs and the appropriateness of the proposed target. Kathy Boudin reportedly favored it. Diana had doubts. Arguments went on day and night, sleep was lost and nerves were frayed. Finally, the militants won out, but by the time they did every-one was so exhausted - and still so inexperienced with explo-sives - that they had not properly equipped what was once Mr. Wilkerson's work room, and now was a bomb factory.
On Monday, March 2, 1970, the same day the dynamite was bought, Diana called her sister, Carol, and asked, in a voice tinged with urgency, if the family would support her no matter what happened. Two days later, the sister received a packet containing Diana's address book, farm documents, correspon-dence and anything else that could identify her. On Friday, Diana, reportedly heavy-hearted and shaky, went down to the cellar to put together the wire, clock, batteries and dynamite that, just before noon, would explode and kill her.
Cathlyn Wilkerson and Kathy Boudin, on the floors above, scrambled out of the townhouse that was collapsing around them. They were practically naked; their clothes blasted to shreds. They ran down the street to the house of a neighbor, who let them wash and change. That night, when Jean Boudin arrived home, Kathy was standing in the kitchen. For almost a year, she had come in and out of the house like a phantom, and whenever she showed up, her parents would try to talk to her, to re-establish some kind of rapport. Jean began chattering about a fire on West 11th Street that she had passed that afternoon, about the all the fire engines and about how angry it make her that they rushed in force to the townhouse of some rich person while letting tenements in the ghettos burn away. Kathy didn't reply. Jean finally went to bed. And that was the last time, until several weeks ago, that she saw her daughter.
After the explosion, the Weathermen went on the lam. They ''demilitarized'' their units, and reappraised their tactics. Kathy Boudin was reportedly removed for a time from the leadership, and a more moderate strategy -emphasizing the symbolic bombing of empty buildings -was adopted. Three months later, following a warning, the New York City Police Headquarters on Centre Street was bombed. No one was injured.
Although their photographs hung in post offices around the country, they boasted that they ''moved freely in and out of every city and youth scene in the country.'' They derided their parents for saying that ''the revolution was a game for us'' and they swore they would never go home.
How did so many of them evade capture for more than a decade? They developed what one called ''a new pair of eyes and ears.'' They dyed their hair, wore colored contact lenses, al-tered driver's licenses or other I.D.'s. Once they assumed an alias, they always used it to refer to one another. They set up a network of urban safe houses and rural farm communes and moved from one to the other. Contact with one another, friends and relatives was made through post-office boxes, and some-times telephone answering services. But the pay-phone system of America was their most trusted accomplice. At prearranged times, they would call each other from different booths in dif-ferent cities; they charged the calls to false or stolen credit-card numbers; they would never let a phone ring too long or use the same one too many times. Their rendezvous were right out of a spy novel: Buses were taken to the end of the line; subways then doubled them back; then two or three different taxi rides landed them a mile or more from the meeting place. They never returned to a place where they had been when above ground.
Although the Cuban mission in New York acted as a liaison (a few Weathermen were known to have gone to Cuba), by far the greatest asset of the Weather Underground was located up on the surface. Poets, artists, lawyers of the far left, the monied radical chic, the legions of yippies, S.D.S.'ers and sympathizers formed a web of overground support that was always good for instant cash, instant havens and instant message drops. Deserter organizations in Canada also helped with border crossings and bogus identification papers.
When I returned to the United States in 1970, it was not the same country I had abandoned two years before. A ''New Na-tion'' really did seem to be forming within the old. Its inhabi-tants actually looked different, for the over-30's did not yet wear jeans and long hair. There were whole neighborhoods that belonged only to them, in the same way I had seen the Falls Road in Belfast belong to the I.R.A. There were alternative newspapers, people's parks, free health centers, and agitprop theaters. In Chicago, I saw notices warning against the ''Red Squad'': ''Agent, blue eyes, blue Cortina, black hair to shoul-ders,'' or ''Pig posing as writer, red beard, calls everyone 'friend,' often seen around Armitage Street.'' After asking questions about the Weathermen for a few days, I half expected to see my own name and description pinned to brick. Once I ''passed,'' however - as I had done at the White Panther house - I was trusted by one and all. It was exhilarating. This ''underground'' network that existed right out in the open provided a sense of hope and power that is hard to describe. It seemed that some kind of historic change was in the air.
As I continued to scribble notes about Diana Oughton, I kept hearing the words that she had said to a professional friend who shared her political views: ''But if you feel that way, don't you think you have a duty to act on it?'' White-skin privilege. I had it too. Like many other young people in those days, I felt un-easy about building a career, about living like a normal privi-leged person in normal privileged times, while others were dodging the draft and throwing blood on the Pentagon and get-ting arrested to protest a war that was decimating our genera-tion. I was letting others put their lives on the line for my be-liefs.
Out of these frustrations the romantic fantasy of Weather-man was born. With the Vietnam War getting bigger and blood-ier, the presence of an outlaw people's army was a source of ca-tharsis. Its tactics might have been widely condemned on the left, but its exploits conjured up the tales of Robin Hood and his Merry Men. In September l970, the Weathermen arranged the escape of Timothy Leary, the LSD guru, from a California prison where he was serving a term for possession of marijuana. Any group that could do that had the adulation of the youth cul-ture. (A knowledgeable underground source now says that the Weathermen charged $20,000 for the favor, a fact that, had it been known then, might have slightly sullied the Weathermen's image.) The fact that they could make a small part of the Penta-gon and the Capitol building crumble under their dynamite, gave new meaning to the same old antiwar slogans. They were the band and banner that kept the movement from retreating from the battlefield.
By 1974, however, the Weathermen demonstrated that they were fast losing touch with the real world: 25,000 copies of a book-length document called Prairie Fire, actually printed with gloved hands to avoid fingerprints, were released from the un-derground and it was without doubt one of the most boring po-litical manifestoes ever written. The war was finally ending, Richard Nixon was being booted out, and the last thing anyone wanted to read was a paean to black terrorism combined with a tired lecture on dialectical materialism.
That same year, one Weather Underground fugitive, Jane Alpert, gave herself up, and in the days while she was waiting to be sentenced, she chose me, by this time a reporter for The Times, to speak with. She told me of her travels underground and of how Weathermen fugitives lived joyless, determined lives, existing on yogurt and endless political debate, spending the night here and there in sleeping bags.
In the spring of 1975, I received a manila envelope stamped with the return address of a company in New York I had never heard of. Assuming it was junk mail, I almost discarded it when I noticed it was a magazine called Osawatomie - very professionally printed by none other than the Weather Under-ground. Like other selected members of the media who received issues of the bimonthly publication, I always tore up the enve-lopes in case of a visit from the F.B.I. The magazine claimed that the Weather Underground had carried out a total of 25 bombings since the beginning of the year, some of them ''in support of Black Liberation,'' and revealed that Weather fugi-tives had been surfacing in disguise. One cell, for instance, claimed to have infiltrated the meetings of ROAR, (an acronym for Restore Our Alienated Rights) a rascist antibusing cabal in Boston. The magazine also contained poetry, short stories and articles written on the lam.
But after 1975, the organization took credit for no more bombings, and the magazine stopped coming. The last official word from it came in May 1976, when Weathermen startled everyone by walking across movie screens in theaters all over the country. Filmed in a safe house in Los Angeles, Emile de Antonio's documentary, ''Underground,'' featured a conversation with Kathy Boudin, Bernardine Dohrn, Cathlyn Wilkerson, Bill Ayers and Jeff Jones. (Jones was recently charged in conection with the bombing of a factory in Hoboken, N.J.) They were shot through a gauzy scrim or from behind, so that the effect was a collage of titilating fragments: Bernardine's graying hair, her thin, veined hands pouring a pot of steaming tea, Jones's floppy hat, Kathy Boudin's hunched blue back. They spoke so gently and tentatively that you might have thought they were the local P.T.A. -until they said they were as committed as ever to revolution through violence. In one mov-ing part, Kathy Boudin talked about being inside the townhouse explosion: ''... the rumble of it, it's that kind of time that can't be counted on a clock ... that seems to go on forever. And you have a chance to see your whole life in that moment, and also the lives of your friends.''
Some two and a half years ago, the Weather Underground reportedly broke into two camps: the Prairie Fire collective, which favored resurfacing (most of the charges against the group had been dismissed because Federal agents used illegal methods, such as wiretapping, to obtain them), and the May 19th Coalition, which wanted to become part of a black terrorist army. The former is said to have included Bernardine Dohrn and Bill Ayers, and the latter, Kathy Boudin and Judith Clark. A pact was made at the time prohibiting any Weathermen from publicly speaking about the split - or about anything else con-nected with the underground. And so far no one has. Since then, several have surrendered: Cathy Wilkerson, now serving three years for possession of the dynamite that caused the townhouse explosion; Bernardine Dohrn, who was fined on local Chicago riot charges and put on three-year probation, and Bill Ayers, against whom charges had been dropped but who had been liv-ing with Bernardine Dohrn and their two small children in Manhattan under an assumed name.
Friends of Bernardine Dohrn and Cathlyn Wilkerson say the children that they had borne underground were a deciding fac-tor in their surfacing. Both Kathy Boudin, who had only a mi-nor charge similar to Bernardine Dohrn's outstanding against her, and Judith Clarke, who was in the clear, also had babies to concern them but they opted to remain underground. In fact, Kathy Boudin, who always wanted to be identified with the poor, registered for welfare under an alias (Lydia Adams); she gave her baby's name as C. Jackson Adams, and called him Chesa, after her heroine, Joanne Chesimard, ''Queen of the Black Liberation Army.''
All her life, Kathy Boudin, like Diana Oughton, had been an unbending person, determined to finish what she started. Dur-ing the last two years, while the radical underground was dwin-dling into irrelevance, Kathy and other white members of the May 19th Coalition reportedly became more and more rigid, refusing to shake hands with anyone, for example, until they knew the person's politics. They lived in a constant state of dep-rivation and existed in a vacuum; unable to mix freely in soci-ety, their measure of the world might have been taken in large part from doomsday headlines in the tabloids. From such isola-tion comes a kind of paranoia. Although most of the charges against them had been dropped (much of the evidence against them had been gathered illegally, it turned out), they felt hunted, and like a wounded bear, they eventually turned to at-tack those they saw as their hunters. When the public and even the F.B.I. cared nothing about them, it was the Black Libera-tion Army with its automatic weapons and reckless abandon that gave them a purpose: a way to make good on years of rhetoric, once and for all to prove that they were not just rich kids playing at revolution.
In the end, however, the degree of rage that sustained them for so long had its roots in more than social conscience. The young are angry almost by definition, and it is natural for them to want to save the world. But as one matures, the world nar-rows and grand designs give way to personal goals. The Viet-nam War ended. My rage abated as did the rage of thousands of others of my generation. But those white radicals who massa-cred innocents at Nyack never seemed to move forth from that moment in time when they blindly assembled antipersonnel bombs on West 11th Street. In the end, they froze into a tableau that was a chilling perversion of every purpose they had ever had: the children of the rich killing the less privileged in the name of revolution. It was clear that their rage had become psy-chosis, their struggle was with self-hatred, and the only revolu-tion they would fight was the one taking place in their own minds.
On Tuesday, Oct. 20, the romance between the Weather Un-derground and what remained of its public came to an abrupt end. An off-duty corrections officer named Michael Koch drove into the midst of a gun battle between police and the assailants fleeing from the Nyack robbery. He jumped from his car and went off in pursuit of a woman who turned out to be Kathy Boudin. ''It was a firefight, like I was back in Vietnam,'' Koch said. He struggled to subdue Kathy Boudin and as he did so, the Weatherwoman looked back at her fleeing B.L.A. accomplices and, in childlike indignation, screamed: ''I didn't shoot him! He did!''

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

GRAPHIC: Illustrations: photo of Diana Oughton with her nanny in 1967 photo of Diana Oughton in 1969 photo of Kathy Boudin in 1964 photo of Boudin's wanted poster photo of New York apartment house Bounin lived in photo of Brink's guard Peter Paige, who was shot in Nyack photo of scene in Nyack photo of Nyack policeman Waverly Brown, killed in

Copyright 1981 The New York Times Company






23 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Washington Post

November 22, 1981, Sunday, Final Edition

Coming of Age in The Season of Rage Jane Alpert;
The Spent Struggle of the Fugitive & the Quiet Resolution of Life Underground

BYLINE: By Lynn Darling

SECTION: Style; G1

LENGTH: 5064 words

ON SEPT. 18, 1969, Jane Alpert put on a white A-line dress, kid gloves and a touch of make-up and tucked a bomb into the oversized handbag she had stolen from a department store. She rode the bus to the Federal Building in New York's Foley Square and O took the elevator to the 40th floor where the De-partment of the Army had its offices. A few minutes later, she left, leaving the bomb in a room full of electrical equipment.
She didn't see the bomb go off, never saw the blinding light, never heard the nerve-cracking explosion that impelled the splinters of glass, the shards of metal. She was not a witness to the violent aftermath of her handiwork. She didn't, for that mat-ter, put the bomb together; the visions of its going off in her face interfered with her manual dexterity.
But the night she planted the bomb in the Federal Building, she and her friends assembled on the roof of a nearby building and peered through a small telescope in the direction of 26 Fed-eral Plaza. At 2 a.m., all the lights in the building went out.
"Holy s---," someone whispered.
"Did you see that?" asked someone else.
She was, she writes, "too awed to speak," and for "a few hours that night, I wanted no more happiness."
Jane Alpert was 21 when she was arrested in 1969 for her part in a bombing conspiracy that blew large and substantial holes into six large and substantial buildings, including the Whitehall Induction Center, and the headquarters of Chase Manhattan, General Motors and the Standard Oil Corp. She was out on $20,000 bond when she was convicted of conspiring to destroy government property.
A week later she went underground, two months after Kathy Boudin and Cathy Wilkerson ran naked out of the ruins of a Greenwich Village townhouse/bomb factory and vanished into the outlaw afternoon. Like them, she had tried hard to shed her middle-class trappings. But by then, there was a harder edge to life outside the pale; the soft glow of hippie love had long ago given way to harsher coruscations that set the teeth on edge.
Now even Kathy Boudin is back, resurrected in a hail of bul-lets and a Brinks robbery. The political consequences of her act are lost in the question of the three dead men in her path and the awesome differences that 12 years can make. Now Jane Alpert can say, as she works resolutely at her lunch in the middle of her middle-class working day, "I don't miss that time. I'm glad it's over."
Alpert was one of the first to return, but one by one, they've come back, Bernadine Dohrn and Mark Rudd and Cathy Wilkerson, and the question is whether it was ever possible for them to change themselves the way they hoped they could, these angry, aging children who tried so hard to be born again, to replace their awkward pasts with radical innocence.
They were middle-class kids who had grown up taking mock cover from one kind of bomb, crouching beneath their desks or in the institutional hallways, envisioning the mushroom cloud. There had to be a certain satisfaction in turning the tables. It was, after all, 1969, a different time, even though it is hard now, and not a little embarrassing, to remember what it was like, re-membering the eyes stinging from tear gas, the voices hoarse from shouting Ho, ho, Ho Chi Minh -- the crack of a club -- NLF is gonna win . . . how short the skirts were, how long the looks . . . remembering teach-ins and sit-ins and flags burning and draft cards burning and cities burning also . . . " 'The ques-tion now,' said Miss Dohrn, at an SDS meeting at the beginning of the year, 'is how do we become more than a campus-based antiwar movement?' " . . . the way the National Guard would line up and the young girls would put flowers in the mouths of the rifles and the young men would chant, Join Us, Join Us, Join Us . . . the way the soldiers would smile sometimes when they charged. . . . It was acknowledged that the Black Panthers carried guns. It seemed conceivable that any qualms in this di-rections were a bourgeois hang-up. . . . "Two, four, six, eight, organize and smash the state."
Jane Alpert was a leftist when she went underground to lead a lonely life, singing the outlaw blues with the temporary lovers in the rented rooms. She thought that her life would end there, fighting for the revolution she felt sure would come. She waited for a martyr's death.
It didn't come; she became a feminist and raged against the men whose love she thought would save her and learned to hate them with the same fury that she had once reserved for the capi-talists and their crimes. Maybe her hate had been born of the moment, born of the war, but her anger had been always there, filling in the gaps of her life, making her less lonely, as she looked for the place where she would finally belong. She needed the comfort of someone to blame.
By 1974, she needed more than that. Four and a half years after she had gone underground, Jane Alpert came back, to re-nounce her past and serve her time.
"This is the happiest day of my life," she said the day she surrendered to the U.S. marshal in New York.
"I am," she says, "really proud of my life."
The voice is flat, the hazel eyes look steadily ahead. "I had to make some pretty drastic decisions to get to this point. But I've met a lot of people who are my age and say they haven't taken enough risks. I do not," Jane Alpert says, "have that prob-lem."
She sits quiet and tense in the recesses of the Binibon Res-taurant, on the lower East Side, near the old neighborhood. Af-ter the bombs went off, after she got caught, the headlines had called her the girl next door, and, in fact, there is a quiet deco-rum about her, a surface placidity that betrays nothing of what lies beneath the surface.
In the old newspaper photographs from that lost decade, she looks too tiny for the anger she is carrying, the frown she is wearing. The pale face is twisted in hate, the arm raised, the fist clenched, the body lost in the drab utilitarian clothing of pea coat and blue jeans.
Now she is wearing the armor of the workaday world -- black sweater, gray slacks, a pink shirt, her brown hair neatly coiffed, a meager smile playing on her pale lips. The anger is gone, but it's hard to know what has replaced it, now that she is living out of her time, now that she is no longer cloaked in the heroic self-image of the urban guerrilla nor living a semblance of the straight life in the shadows of the underground.
Jane Alpert looks as if she is still in disguise.
"It is impossible for me to imagine myself bombing a build-ing now," she says. "It seems harebrained and scary and an act of misdirected rage. But it is also difficult to recreate the politi-cal climate of those times, when the standard lunch table talk was about blowing up cops." She pauses for a moment. "Some people took it more seriously than others, obviously."
It is the context, she says, that you have to remember. So much killing then, so much hate. They were not the only ones using bombs. They were not even the first. It was raining bombs in Vietnam, and it seemed only appropriate to bring the war home to the army and to the giant corporations. Besides, she says, "there were so many good people getting killed, what was the use of being nonviolent?"
Those who took it most seriously called themselves revolu-tionaries, talked about the struggle. They hardened their ideol-ogy in their anger, drew back from the traveling circus of the counterculture, enforced the line. Those who took it most seri-ously made bombs and threw them. In a season of hate and helplessness there were many who identified with them, with the Weather Underground, with the Black Panthers, with any one with one hand on the rhetoric and the other on a gun. There were those who cheered them onward, covered them in cheap romance, wove their own fantasies from their example, wove them, that is, within the limits they had set on their own rebel-lion.
Only a few, of course, crossed the line from fantasy to ac-tion; those who did looked, somehow ennobled, their anger fiercer, their ideals stronger. When they went underground they got stuck in time, remembered, when they were remembered at all, as political fossils. Life had moved on.
And when they emerged, one by one, it seemed almost in-evitable that some of them would betray the casual fantasies that had been foisted on them, their heroism retired on the scrap heap of history, betrayed by the sometimes embarrassing ways in which they opted out of their images, designing jeans or find-ing Jesus or the stock market, or indulging in counterrevolu-tionary hysteria: "I didn't do it, he did."
She started out a middle-class Jewish kid from Forest Hills, New York. Her parents were the children of Russian immi-grants, refugees from the pogroms, products of the Depression. The psychological building blocks included an adored but falli-ble father, a businessman with a history of false starts and failed ventures before he settled into a successful partnership in a den-tal equipment business with an old college friend. His failures in the business world were not quite redeemed in his daughter's eyes by his eventual success. Her mother was bright, ambitious and undemonstrative; she and her daughter didn't get along. There was a younger brother, born with multiple birth defects, and for a time she resented him for the extra attention he de-manded.
At 14, she read Ayn Rand and dreamed of being a freedom rider, like those who claimed her attention on the evening news. There was a picture taken then with the family of her father's business partner and her own. "The sun is not in my eyes," she writes, in her book, "Growing Up Underground," "but I am scowling, obviously attempting to spoil the occasion for the rest. Like some congenital monster, impossible to dispose of or to love, I am fixedly ignored by both families."
There were the ordinary values and virtues pinned to the persona of a middle-class white kid growing up in the quiet, complacent '50s, progress and problems -- the good grades, the lonely adolescence, the slow burn of an unexplained anger. "My parents were very grateful for what they had. Everything was handed to us, and gratitude was expected," she says now. "There were certain things you didn't question. I remember sit-ting down once, during the Pledge of Allegiance, to see what would happen. Everyone was furious with me."
She went to Swarthmore when she was 16, majored in Greek, minored in muddled affairs, drank the usual draught of adolescent angst. Already, however there were signs of the chaos to come -- she got arrested at a demonstration protesting the conditions at a ghetto school in nearby Chester, a demon-stration where she met Cathy Wilkerson, whom she regaled with tales of her own courage.
This is what she wrote about the moments before her first ar-rest: "I had stopped thinking about Franklin School, the citizens of Chester, the evils of racism and poverty. The utopian vision that had tugged at me yesterday was gone. In its place was something else, a fury that tore out of me with a life of its own, primitive as infancy. I was screaming against everyone and eve-rything that had stood in my way -- the boys who had rejected me, the man who had fired my father when I was nine, my ab-sent father, my mother, my brother."
There were other portents -- the friend from high school who went to Berkeley, had a baby, refused marriage and an abortion and went on welfare, the friend who went to Rome and died in a suicide pact with her lover. Random acts of meaningless vio-lence -- the old assumptions were unraveling.
She graduated from Swarthmore in 1967, and dreamed of becoming an archeologist. Instead she took a job with Cam-bridge University Press and graduate courses at Columbia Uni-versity and watched with nose pressed to the windowpane: life among the revolutionaries seemed to vibrate with all the energy and camaraderie that was lacking in her own.
Finally in the fall of 1968, she met Sam Melville, tall broad-shouldered Sam Melville, who dressed like a revolutionary and talked like a revolutionary, who caught her eye, dark-haired as he was, serious and intense as he appeared, as he took his place beside her at the demonstration: Heathcliff in a workshirt.
Eight days later, he called her at home, asked if he could come over. "I wanted nothing so much as to surrender to his power," she wrote of that first night, "to lie inert beneath him as he stroked and kissed me into a frenzy." In the morning, she gave him the spare keys to her apartment.
Remember boys and girls," said a character in what used to be called the underground comix, "keep a smile on your lips and a song in your heart when you go out to smash the state."
At first, they didn't talk about bombs. At first, she followed him to the lower East Side, harsh and violent and electric with energy, to a broken-down tenement flat, where the only heat came from the fireplaces and the litany of the government's op-pression of the people was chanted to the light of Coleman lamps. There was an ideological problem with enriching the coffers of Con Edison. To live there in nerve-searing intensity among the dropouts and panhandlers and runaways, to the rhythm of the knife fights and speed freaks and street confronta-tions, to the tune of the street musicians, to the rhetoric of the times, in the jingle-jangle mornings and the apocalyptic nights where even the day-to-day became political, and the very at-mosphere seemed to vibrate with the redemptive possibilities of anger.
They tried to live as a collective, Jane and Sam, and a woman named Pat and the man she calls Nate in the book, al-though that is not his real name. They didn't have straight jobs, there wasn't time. Alpert worked for the Rat Subterranean News, an underground newspaper that ran articles stuffed with rhetoric and recipes for Molotov cocktails -- "Yield: One pig car in flames." She was the only woman on the staff, and when she objected to automatically assuming the role of secretary, the men invented new titles for her on the mast head, "Hip Prin-cess," "Gorilla," "Office Liberator."
In the collective, they dug the ditch between themselves and the establishment deeper and deeper. The four of them made love in most of the possible combinations, trying to break what seemed to be the bourgeois shackles of fidelity. This made her unhappy, but that, she decided, was her hang-up. Possessive-ness was a capitalist emotion.
They smoked dope, dropped acid. Sometimes the drugs made the day glow, sometimes they didn't -- "Guilt and shame," Sam muttered about five hours into a particularly bad trip. "The demons of guilt and shame." They lived in nervous juxtaposi-tion to the somewhat more visceral politics of the neighbor-hood, the perpetual gang wars, the looted minds of the sidewalk heroin addicts, the leering men who pinched her as she walked by the corner bodega.
All around them were the effects of the war, the govern-ment's intransigence, the seemingly overwhelming popular op-position. "There was a culminating rage that the government was not going to express the will of the people," she says. "It was as if the war gave us permission to reexamine everything we'd grown up with; it was all part of an ethos, the sex, the drugs, the politics, everything."
Somewhere along the way, a line was crossed; it is hard now to say when or where. At first the people in the collective just talked about bombs, and it was almost like a game of chicken -- no one was going to say they were bluffing, everyone assumed that the others took it seriously.
It was Sam who decided to look for a cache of explosives to steal, and who followed little green trucks from downtown blasting sites, hoping to find the dynamite's source.
It was Jane who suggested that they look under explosives in the Yellow Pages, if that's what they were looking for. Sure enough, Sam found a warehouse in the Bronx to rob. It was a piece of cake, although it bothered Jane that Sam wouldn't let her come because she was a girl. They stored the 150 sticks of dynamite and the 50 blasting caps in the refrigerator; it was the only place to keep them in the heat.
At first, she didn't think she'd heard him right.
"I planted a bomb this afternoon," he said.
"You what?"
He said it again. "I planted a bomb."
It wasn't the bomb itself that bothered her that late summer night in 1969. What drove her crazy was the target he'd chosen, the reason he'd chosen that day to plant it. Sam Melville hadn't decided to bomb the Marine Midland Bank because it was on the list of the corporate enemies that every good leftist knew by heart.
No, he had chosen his target because its glass and steel gleamed arrogantly in the sun, because it looked like the sort of place where the enemies of the people would be found. There was no symbolism to the timing. It was not the birthday of a revolutionary hero, not the anniversary of some corporate atroc-ity. He had planted the bomb that day because she had told him she was going out with another man that night.
She asked him what time it was set to go off. Eleven o'clock, he said. That meant the bomb would explode in two hours' time, when there would still be people in the building, cleaning women and late-working secretaries, their power-driven bosses. She ran to a pay phone to call the security guard to warn him, but the man on the other end of the phone heard the pleading voice, registered the fact that it was female, and didn't believe her. "I'd like to help you, lady, really I would. But I don't leave this post until midnight when I make rounds."
The bomb went off at 11, just as Sam had said it would. Twenty employes were taken to the hospital for emergency treatment, just as she had feared. Something had to be done. Someone had to take responsibility, pay attention, take heed of the consequences, to orchestrate the planting of the other bombs. To do it right.
"I sought out someone who would help me act out my fanta-sies," she says now. "I did certain things that he manipulated me to do, but, in the end, it led to a deeper commitment. It was easy to take the lead, after that. He didn't know what he was do-ing." She did, of course; she was the bright one, the hardwork-ing overacheiver, the honors graduate whose desire for perfec-tion hadn't changed simply because she had decided to enlist in the revolution.
"The Establishment is in for some big surprises if it thinks that kangaroo courts and death sentences can arrest a revolu-tion. The anger of youth and all oppressed people is mounting against this mockery of justice. There's one thing the cowards that rule the world might as well know now: The will to free-dom of the people is stronger than the fear of any repression. Liberty or death!" -- A note she left at one of the bombings.
"Were we happy then?" she says. "It wasn't something we thought about. The times were too frenetic to think about hap-piness. Besides, happiness was a bourgeois emotion."
She is walking along Avenue B toward the apartment she used to share with Sam Melville and the bright white light of an autumn afternoon appears, for the moment, to scour the misery from the littered, empty street. Only for a moment,though, be-fore the tumbled tenements come back into focus and the sun glints on things fast and sharp and shiny. It is hard to read her expression. Her eyes are as impassive as those of the men who sit staring, not speaking, in front of corner stores with Spanish names. The graffiti on the walls merely mention the names of temporary lovers and the music of punk rock bands; there are no calls to arms, no messages to the masses, although the word "kneecapping" is there in big black letters.
There is the grocery store from which she used to steal half of their food and the dog food for their pets, Bernadette Devlin and John Keats. It was new then, and so there was a particularly piquant thrill to stealing from its freshly laden shelves, to deal-ing a blow to the capitalist bounty. "I got caught once," she says with a reluctant smile. "But it being the time it was, I yelled at the security guard, telling him that it was a capitalist pig estab-lishment and he was a dupe of the system, and he shrugged and let me go."
There is the mom and pop store that sold the racist bread, or at least that's what Sam called the fresh loaves of rye she bought there after he heard what he thought was a racist com-ment coming from the owner. There is the laundromat she fre-quented, there the electrician's shop where the FBI agents watched their comings and goings those last few days before Sam and Jane were arrested, there the store that sold the little Westclox alarm clocks they liked to use in the building of their bombs.
The empty streets seemed filled with ghosts, with the dead and the missing and the living with whom there is no longer any connection but the bitter words of the last irreparable quar-rel. She has been, after all, a woman of harsh conviction, and she has been known to change her mind. But no, she says, "there are no ghosts, I've really put my ghosts to rest. My ghosts," she says, "are dead." She doesn't hear the silences, not anymore. "When I first came back," she says, "it seemed eerie. But then I realized it wasn't eerie, it was just normal people leading normal lives."
Her eyes soften for a moment, and for a moment she is no longer on emotional hold. "You know, being down here makes me feel like I was pretty happy," she says softly. She is thinking about "having breakfast with Sam, looking out the window, and people, our friends, dropping by."
The day she went underground, in 1970, she boarded a train at Pennsylvania Station. The station was full of demonstrators, it rang with their camaraderie. She was in disguise, her brown hair bleached an attempted blond, a pair of tortoise-shell glasses replacing the contact lenses, a new dress from Bloomingdale's and thick pancake make-up separating her from the tattered jeans and ragtag exuberance of the protesters. She thought that they must despise her for her apparent allegiance to the other side of the cultural divide, and she felt again on the outside.
To live outside the law, you must be honest; no one ever said anything about being alone.
Over the next four years, she traveled the country, living day to day, chafed by the fierce paranoia that caused her at times to fear that the car she was traveling in through the Midwest was bugged, that the sheriff in the coffee shop in Kansas had no-ticed her, that the man leafing through the radical magazine in the commune in Michigan would recognize her. She depended on the kindess of strangers.
She watched friendships wear thin, crack and finally break. The Yippies in Indianapolis got angry when she overstayed her welcome. The fugitive with whom she shared a house in the depths of a snowbound New England winter got on her nerves so much she threw a bottle of molasses at her; she was scraping the sticky remains from the wall for days. The plans for revolu-tion eroded slowly, changed into the mere hope of survival, and finally into the question of why she continued. She called her-self Frances Ethel Mathews, she called herself Ellen Davis Blake, she longed for the sound of her own name.
She found jobs as a waitress, and as a medical assistant, she found temporary refuge in a rented farmhouse, a rented room. She talked on pay phones to other pay phones, she froze when-ever someone, laughing, produced a camera, wanting to capture a giddy moment, to preserve the present. A terrifying idea, when the past is already preserved on a wanted poster. ("Cau-tion," read the poster: "Alpert reportedly advocates the use of explosives and may possess firearms. Consider dangerous.")
She saw America, and the kid from New York City was as-tonished at her first look of the country she had become used to spelling Amerika. "The geography and the landscape dazzled me. I was seeing what had made America. The people in these isolated places seemed to live in harmony with the land," she says. "I was sipping coffee one day in the Sierra Nevada with a woman who had lived there for the last 50 years. She sat there talking about the last blizzard she had survived, and somehow, it didn't seem right to ask her about the Vietnam war. Some-how, we had missed the pulse of the country. I found that for a long time, I had been pulling in impressions and fitting them into a system of thought and I couldn't do that anymore."
She was surprised as well by the avenues of support. It was-n't from the radicals she once imagined to be her comrades in arms. "I was amazed by the overwhelming generosity of my parents and college friends, friends I had scorned for their bourgeois life styles. They helped me out of just plain human generosity and compassion, not for political reasons."
In the beginning she had hoped that someday she would be reunited with Sam Melville. He wrote her a letter once, on five squares of toilet paper: "Despite an incredible irrational bias, bourgeois science now admits the sense of smell as being the longest retained in the memory," he wrote. "In the environment in which i live, one develops the memory of a mastodon. Yes, sweet bitch, i love you. And if they ever let me out and the wind is right, i'll find you."
He never did, he died first, killed in the Attica riots of 1971. In the beginning, she cherished his memory, and wrote an in-troduction to a collection of his prison letters that bathed their time together in a loving light. But when she showed the essay to her feminist friends, they were horrified, pointing out to her the masochism on her part, the cruelty on his.
By then she had joined a consciousness-raising group in San Diego, and drank deeply of the warmth and support she found there. By then, she had grown apart from men. There had been lovers along the road, fellow travelers, some of them strung out on drugs and uncertainty, slipping on the glazed ice of life on the other side of the mirror. But they would fall away, in part because "the sexual intimacy was a way of letting down barri-ers, and that wasn't something I could afford to do. And since fugitive life was supposed to be permanent I couldn't afford to admit that it was dictating my choices. So when the Nixon ad-ministration ceased being a focus of hostility, I transferred it to men as a gender. I think," she says, "that most of the men that knew me at the time would have described me as hard to get along with."
In time, she broke with the women in the Weather Under-ground as well, although for years all she wanted was to be a part of their closed circle. In 1972, she met with Bernadine Dohrn in Golden Gate Park, was charmed by her "slow daz-zling smile," amazed by the fiery red she had dyed her hair. She wondered if she had "wimped out" when she tried ineffectually to convert Dohrn to her brand of radical feminism as they sat one afternoon on Mount Tamalpais, Dohrn in her crocheted bi-kini top, acting like "some Great Mother Underground, ready to hear the prayers of all fugitive faiths."
She envied Dohrn her friendship with Cathy Wilkerson, the way they tried to protect each other from curious eyes in a pub-lic restaurant. She was intimidated by Kathy Boudin, with whom she spent a dreary day in a tenement in Boston, arguing against what she considered to be the sexism of the Weather Underground and longing for something more to eat than the plain yogurt and cucumbers to be found in the refrigerator.
She was always looking for something to be a part of; the needle of the compass swung violently enough, but it wasn't just politics that determined its direction, but the passion to be-long. When she could not convince the Weatherwomen to for-sake their male colleagues, she turned her back all the more ve-hemently on her commitment to the community that had driven her underground.
Now she was a radical feminist. She disavowed her leftist past; it was riddled with male oppressors. The shift was a vio-lent one; in an open letter to her "sisters in the Weather Under-ground" she wrote, "you fast and organize and demonstrate for Attica. Don't send me news clippings about it, don't tell me how much those deaths moved you. I will mourn the loss of 42 male supremacists no longer."
In the end, she was living as Carla Weinstein, the secretary in an orthodox Jewish school in Denver, Colo., watching the Watergate hearings on TV with an addict's compulsion. Her fa-vorite character was Jeb Stuart Magruder, whose plea "that he was misled by his patriotic ideals and by his superiors was very moving to me."
And so, she came back. "I wasn't fulfilling any political pur-pose," she says now. "There wasn't any place in the under-ground for a women's movement." She served two years in prison while the rumors swirled among the feminists and what was left of the left that she had informed on the others still on the outside, rumors she denied then, denies now.
She has a job now, writing position papers for a family-planning agency. "Part of growing up for me," she says slowly, "is learning to be content with making small changes. You have to learn to feel happy, short of revolution." She worries a little that she will lose the "vigilant skepticism" that is one of the few legacies of the period she would like to keep. She lives alone, in Greenwich Village. She has a gray and white cat named Gri-malkin. She had a love affair that recently ended. She likes to swim two or three times a week, and she sees her parents once a month. She wants "family and friends, a sense of integrity, con-tinuity. I want a feeling of where I came from and where I'm going. I'd like to write another book. I'd like to have a kid or two. I'd like to travel."
And no, she says, the sudden, violent re-emergence of Kathy Boudin did not strike as close to home as might be expected. Too much time, too much distance; she had come in from the cold a long time before, had warmed herself in front of other fires. She had released the complicated tension long ago.
"The thing I really identified with," she says, "was the deaths at Jonestown. The fact that it was a utopian community, interracial, pro-communist, I could identify with that. I could understand," Jane Alpert says with the flicker of a smile, "what drove them to look for simple solutions."

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

GRAPHIC: Picture 1, no caption; Picture 2, no caption, by Nancy Kay for The Washington Post; Picture 3, It was 1969, a year of demonstrations, the year Jane Alpert was arrested for her part in a bombing conspiracy. Above is the rubble of a townhouse alleged to have been a Weatherman bomb factory in New York that was destroyed in a 1970 explosion, UPI photo.

Copyright 1981 The Washington Post






24 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Associated Press

February 16, 1982, Tuesday, AM cycle

Phony Drivers' Licenses Traced to Defunct Child's Wear Shop

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 377 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

A defunct children's wear store where former Weather Un-derground leader Bernardine Dohrn once worked has figured in the investigation of the botched $1.6 million Brink's robbery.
Police declined to say Tuesday what role was played by the store, which was named Broadway Baby. But The New York Times said the Upper West side store was the place where, in December 1979, two women paid for purchases by check and gave their drivers' licenses numbers as identification.
Impostors then used the innocent women's names and num-bers to obtain duplicate driver's licenses on the pretext that they had been lost.
The duplicates served as identification for renting vans used in an aborted armored-car holdup in Greenburgh, N.Y., and in a successful $500,000 armored-car heist in Inwood, The Times said.
The FBI, which has been speaking for the joint FBI-New York police task force investigating the $1.6 million Brink's holdup last October, in which two policemen and a guard were slain, declined to comment on the Times report.
Detective Kevin O'Grady of the 47th Precinct, where parts of the Brink's holdup inquiry were pursued, confirmed that the name of Broadway Baby came up and that it was a matter of record that Miss Dohrn worked there.
Miss Dohrn, a fugitive for 10 years, surfaced in November 1980 and was given three years probation and fined $1,500 on charges growing out of violent demonstrations in Chicago in the late 1960s. She has not been accused of playing a role in any of the robberies.
The Times quoted police sources as saying David Gilbert, one of the former Weather Underground figures charged in the Brink's holdup, has been linked by fingerprint or handwriting to renting vans that figured in three armored car holdups before the Brink's job and in Joanne Chesimard's escape from prison in New Jersey in 1979.
Miss Chesimard, who was doing time for killing a New Jer-sey state trooper, was a leader of the Black Liberation Army, two of whose members have been charged in the Brink's rob-bery.
The former Weather Underground members charged in the Brink's case, in addition to Gilbert, are Katherine Boudin and Judith Clark.
Miss Dohrn reportedly has been caring for Miss Boudin's infant son, Chesa, who was fathered by Gilbert.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1982 Associated Press
All Rights Reserved






25 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The New York Times

February 16, 1982, Tuesday, Late City Final Edi-tion

BEHIND THE BRINK'S CASE: RETURN OF THE RADICAL LEFT

BYLINE: By M.A. FARBER

SECTION: Section A; Page 1, Column 2; Metropolitan Desk

LENGTH: 4838 words

Four months after the slayings of a Brink's guard and two policemen in an armored-car robbery in Rockland County, a complex story has begun to emerge of a subterranean culture sustained by a small network of people who view themselves as warriors in a global revolution.
It is a group of single-minded people leading double lives, often under multiple aliases, of former Black Panthers and Weather Underground leaders, now in their middle 30's, who returned suddenly and dramatically to public attention after a decade in which their names had been largely forgotten.
Within an hour of the shootings on Oct. 20, three of them were arrested when their speeding car containing bulletproof vests, ski masks and canvas bank moneybags smashed to a halt against a concrete retaining wall in Nyack, N.Y. Those arrests, and others that followed, revived an atmosphere of radical left-ism surviving from the years of antiwar protest and civil-rights activity.
Why these men and women were in Rockland County, as at least some of them were, is only now coming out in interviews with lawenforcement authorities, defense attorneys, friends of the accused and some of the defendants themselves.

Quiet Lives in the 70's
For many of those accused, the late 1970's now appear to have been a time of living quietly, having children, selling jew-elry or fighting for tenants in housing disputes, earning modest incomes moving potatoes and carrots from Hunts Point to Rockefeller Center at 4 A.M. or collecting welfare while pick-ing up tips serving chicken and ice cream to the crowds at the U.S. Open tennis tournament.
But it was also a time, law-enforcement officials say, when an unusual alliance was forged between white socialists such as Judith A. Clark, Katharine Boudin and David J. Gilbert, who had been prominent figures in the domestic upheavals of the Vietnam War era, and black nationalists who had moved on to an amorphous organization called the Black Liberation Army.
Law-enforcement officials, who portray the defendants as ''executioners,'' say they believe that the $1.6 million recovered after the holdup would have financed guns and ammunition, clandestine travel, and ''safe houses'' for hiding and planning future crimes. They also say that the robbery in Nanuet, N.Y., was the latest such action by a network of ''terrorists,'' many of them with long criminal records, who have been holding up ar-mored cars in the New York area for at least two years.
For example, according to police sources, Mr. Gilbert has been recently linked by fingerprint or handwriting analysis to the rental of vehicles used in three armored car holdups that preceded Nanuet and to the prison escape in 1979 of Joanne Chesimard, a reputed Black Liberation Army leader who was serving a life term for the murder of a New Jersey state trooper in 1973.
And in two of the armored car robberies, in early 1980, the police are studying an apparent connection between the rental of the vehicles and personal identification supplied several months earlier by unsuspecting customers at Broadway Baby, an Upper West Side children's wear shop that was managed by Bernadine Dohrn, a former Weather Underground leader. Miss Dohrn has not been publicly linked to the Brink's case or any of the other robberies.
Miss Dohrn, who surrendered to authorities in late 1980 and was placed on probation for an 11-year-old assault charge, is now caring for Miss Boudin's 16-month-old son, Chesa, whose father is Mr. Gilbert.
To their supporters and advisers in such groups as the May 19th Communist Organization and the Republic of New Afrika, which seeks to carve out a black nation from five Southern states, the accused are ''heroes'' who were engaged in an ''ex-propriation'' of funds that would have been used to improve conditions for the poor.
And many of these figures, according to the Federal Bureau of Investigation and their own statements, had come to regard violence as inevitable.
''There has always been an aspect of armed struggle in every movement for social change,'' Miss Clark said in an interview at the state prison in Woodbourne, N.Y. Miss Clark, who was re-moved from the wrecked car in Nyack on Oct. 20 wearing a wig and carrying an ammunition clip in her pocketbook, has re-fused to enter a plea to murder and robbery charges stemming from the holdup of the Brink's truck earlier that day outside a bank at the Nanuet Mall.
Although the violence in Rockland County, 25 miles north of New York City, has been widely condemned by liberals and others who were sympathetic to the protests of student radicals and blacks in the 1960's, Nathaniel Burns, another of the eight Rockland defendants, stressed that the incident was ''no attack on the oppressed.''
''That was no candy store up there,'' the 35-year-old former leader of the Black Panther Party said in an interview in the prison ward of Kings County Hospital, where he was being watched over by policemen toting machine guns. Mr. Burns was recovering from an abdominal ailment. Like most of his co-de@fendants, he denied planning or taking part in the Rock-land crime. But he said he supported ''people struggling for their freedom against an illegal, fascist, racist government'' and that, regrettably, blacks never achieved as much as when they threatened violence.
''Look at the period from 1963 to 1971,'' he remarked. ''Peo-ple said, 'Burn, baby, burn,' and we got more done than ever.'' Of all the defendants, the best known is Miss Boudin, who was arrested while fleeing on foot from the melee that accompanied the shooting of the two policemen at a roadblock. She is at the Woodbourne prison with Mr. Gilbert, Miss Clark and Samuel Brown, the three other persons who were captured in Rockland County on Oct. 20. Three other defendants, including Mr. Burns, were later seized here and in Philadelphia; an eighth suspect, Marilyn Jean Buck, is still being sought.
Miss Boudin, whose father, Leonard, is a noted constitu-tional lawyer, was one of two women in the Weather Under-ground who escaped an explosion in 1970 at a Greenwich Vil-lage town house that had been converted into a bomb factory. In 1975 she was one of five fugitives who were seen in a film made to garner support for a cause that was on the wane.
PICK UP TAKE 2
''Underground on the West Side''
Underground on the West Side
By the late 1970's the Weather Underground's base of sup-port among the young had seriously eroded and the organiza-tion, which had dwindled from perhaps 300 to 50 members, ceased its symbolic bombings of public buildings, in which no lives had been lost. Divided over questions of ideology and tac-tics, and hampered by personal quarrels, the Weather Under-ground dissolved and some of its leaders, including Miss Dohrn, Mark Rudd and Cathlyn P. Wilkerson (who also had escaped from the town house), prepared to give themselves up to the authorities on assault and other charges, generally stem-ming from demonstrations a decade earlier. Not so Miss Boudin or Mr. Gilbert.
Mr. Gilbert, who has long argued that communism and ''Third World revolution'' carried out through a ''people's war'' were the only paths to equal justice, spent the early 1970's in the Denver area, where he was once arrested on charges of ar-son and assaulting a policeman. He fled from those charges and apparently went to California. Friends recall the 37-year-old Rockland defendant as having said that he worked among Mexican-American laborers in Colorado and later for a moving company in San Francisco.
Like Miss Boudin, who by one account worked in the early 1970's as a nurse's aide in a Boston hospital, Mr. Gilbert ulti-mately returned to New York and to the neighborhood around Columbia University, where he had been active in Students for a Democratic Society in the mid-1960's. Using a false Social Security number and the alias Lou Wasser, he went to work around 1980 for an Upper West Side moving company, hauling furniture and vegetables. On his job application, which was never checked, he said he had worked as a warehouseman for the Itkin Brothers office furniture company and as a stock clerk for B. Dalton booksellers.

'A Political Person'
''Lou was a decent, sensitive, fully emotional human being,'' said Dan Schnaidt, one of his co-workers at the moving com-pany. ''He was a hard worker and you could tell he was a politi-cal person, concerned about issues like feminism. He used to give the guys on the trucks a hard time when they made re-marks about women on the streets.''
At the moving company, Mr. Schnaidt said, ''Lou found the perfect cover, though we didn't know it. He was so good at not being evasive. He said that he was really a writer and, of course, most of us working here are writers or musicians or ac-tors or painters.'' Mr. Gilbert was also remembered at the mov-ing company for his frugality - ''He brown-bagged his lunch, health foods mostly, and he never had any money,'' said the of-fice manager. ''I recall him once scratching around for eight more dollars to pay his rent.''
Mr. Gilbert discussed politics with a few of his fellow em-ployees, deploring the conditions under which people lived in South and Central America, condemning the ''lies'' surrounding such measures as the Gulf of Tonkin resolution during the Vietnam War.
''Basically Lou was a humanitarian who was outraged at what people could do to one another,'' one of his co-workers said. ''I got a letter from him after his arrest and he sees himself as having a small but necessary part in history; a long history, something beyond even the third world revolution.''
Mr. Gilbert never invited his co-workers home, and, while he gave the moving company his correct phone number, he gave them a home address that is, in fact, a church cemetery. He actually lived in a $109-a-month room in the apartment of an elderly man in Washington Heights who knew him, not as Lou Wasser, but as Lou Grossman. To that room, with its wall posters demanding equal rights for blacks, Mr. Gilbert often brought Chesa and Lynn Adams, as Miss Boudin called herself.

Roommates Near Columbia
Miss Boudin, who is 38, preferred to live apart from Mr. Gilbert. Several years ago she moved into a five-room coopera-tive apartment at 50 Morningside Drive, near Columbia, where she shared quarters with the apartment's owner, Rita Jensen, then a reporter for The Advocate of Stamford, Conn., and Miss Jensen's two young children.
In the immediate aftermath of the Nanuet holdup, Miss Jen-sen described Miss Boudin, a graduate of Bryn Mawr College, as a considerate, intelligent person with ''a sense of principle''; as a woman, who as her mother had once wanted her to, was thinking about applying to medical school.
Miss Boudin was also known as Lynn at the Children's Free School, at 560 West 113th Street, a parents' cooperative at-tended by Miss Jensen's children. Because parents were re-quired to contribute time to the school, and Miss Jensen was working in Connecticut, Miss Boudin often substituted for her.
Besides collecting a welfare check every two weeks for $177.75 under the name Lydia Adams, Miss Boudin worked, from time to time, as a waitress. In the summers of 1978, 1979 and 1981, for example, she was employed by a catering concern to serve fast foods to fans at the U.S. Open tennis tournament in Flushing Meadows. Miss Boudin told her employer that her name was Elizabeth Hartwell and that she lived at the Hotel Empire near Lincoln Center. Just as she had a Social Security card in the name of Lydia Adams, she had one in the Hartwell name.
''She was very sociable,'' said Michael Vavarro, an official of the catering concern. ''Last summer she showed us pictures of the baby; I remember there was something like a log cabin in the photos and she said they had been taken in California or Canada. Last October, just before this thing happened, she called me, looking for more work.''
David Gilbert was also looking for work at that time. He had stayed away from the moving company for months, saying he was working on a historical novel under a grant from a ''writers' foundation.'' But shortly before the Rockland shootout, he let the company know he would be ready for odd jobs by Novem-ber.
PICK UP TAKE 3
''From Broadway Baby to Nanuet Mall''
From Broadway Baby to Nanuet Mall
Law-enforcement officials say that Mr. Gilbert's main occu-pation had nothing to do with furniture or books, and that they nearly caught up with him before he got to the Nanuet Mall.
Their account begins on Dec. 27, 1979, when a young woman who lived on Riverside Drive strolled into Broadway Baby, at 2244 Broadway, near 80th Street, to buy clothing for her infant. The woman paid by check, showing her driver's li-cense for identification. The next day someone posing as that woman walked into a State Department of Motor Vehicles of-fice in the Bronx. She said she had lost her license and needed a replacement. After completing an application with the correct personal data about the Riverside Drive woman, the impostor was given the duplicate license. That same day an impostor in Yonkers got a duplicate license in the name of a physician's wife who had also shopped at Broadway Baby in December 1979.
On Feb. 20, 1980, officials now say, the duplicate license of the physician's wife was used to rent a van on Long Island that figured in an aborted armored car holdup in Greenburgh, N.Y., in Westchester County. The woman renting the van, which was abandoned near the scene of the robbery, said she was a wait-ress at the Blarney Castle restaurant at 103 West 72d Street. In that case, a longtime criminal named Eugene Covington, who had once been convicted of a triple homicide, pleaded guilty. His accomplices, evidently two men and a woman, escaped.

$500,000 Armored Car Robbery
On March 22, 1980, according to the officials, the duplicate license of the woman from Riverside Drive was used to rent a van in White Plains that figured in an armored car robbery in Inwood, L.I., where five bandits made off with $500,000. Again, the woman told the rental agency that she was a waitress at the Blarney Castle. Renting from the same agency that day was a white man, who, impersonating a real Manhattan resident named Schatzkin, had obtained a duplicate license on Dec. 27, 1979. Moreover, the day before the robbery a woman in In-wood whose home had recently been burglarized took down the license number of a car cruising the area. The plate, officials say, was traced to a friend of Nathaniel Burns.
On March 28, 1981, a man who had impersonated a real Manhattan resident named Hersh and obtained a duplicate li-cense rented a van in Connecticut that was used in an aborted armored car robbery in Danbury, Conn., in which one of several bandits fired a high-powered weapon at the windshield of the armored car. The driver, who escaped injury, sped off. On June 2, 1981, at least four robbers made off with $292,000 after am-bushing an armored car in the north Bronx, and shooting to death one of the guards. Officials say the van was rented by a man who had obtained a duplicate license by impersonating a real Manhattan resident named Barranco.
While investigating the June 2 robbery last summer, and try-ing to determine whether any of the previous holdups were re-lated, Bronx detectives found only one connection between the woman from Riverside Drive and the physician's wife - their having shopped at Broadway Baby. And when they discovered that Miss Dohrn had been the manager of the boutique between September 1979 and February 1980, and had apparently waited on the Riverside Drive woman and perhaps the physician's wife as well, they sensed a ''political'' element to the case.
Senior police officials were alerted to the development, and flyers bearing the physical descriptions of the two renters in the earlier holdups and the various names they had used were dis-tributed to 300 car-rental locations in the New York area. One of those was a small National Car Rental agency on Smith Street in Brooklyn, where, at 9:05 A.M. on Oct. 20, a woman using the alias Judith Schneider - a woman who had previously rented at that agency on Oct. 12 -rented a red Chevrolet van. Seven hours later the van figured in the holdup in Rockland County.

Fingerprint on Application
Soon after the Nanuet shootout, officials say, they found David Gilbert's fingerprint on the application for the Barranco duplicate license used to rent the van in the June 2 Bronx rob-bery. Government handwriting experts, they say, have also con-cluded that the same person - Mr. Gilbert - filled out the Hersh and Schatzkin applications, too. And the handwriting on the Barranco application, they add, is the same handwriting as on a counterfeit Pennsylvania license that was used to rent a van used in the escape of Miss Chesimard from a prison in Clinton, N.J., on Nov. 2, 1979. Miss Chesimard is still at large.
The identity of the woman who impersonated the two Broadway Baby patrons, and who may also have used the alias Judith Schneider last October, has not been established. Eve Rosahn, a supporter of the May 19th Communist Organization whose borrowed Honda was used in the Rockland incident, was at first accused of being the Schneider woman but was later ex-onerated. Miss Boudin and Miss Clark have resisted an effort by law enforcement officials to get samples of their handwriting and hair. According to the police, a copy of the Oct. 12 Brook-lyn rental agreement was found in Miss Boudin's apartment.
PICK UP TAKE 4
''The View From Behind Prison Bars''
The View From Behind Prison Bars
Miss Dohrn, who law-enforcement officials believe was in contact with Miss Boudin in recent years, left Broadway Baby, which is now out of business, just before giving birth to her second child. Now 40, she occasionally lectures and writes arti-cles and may have resumed working as a waitress here. She did not respond to requests for comment through her lawyer and several friends.
Miss Clark declined, in the interview at Woodbourne prison, to say whether she had kept in touch over the years with any of her present co-defendants, although she had known Mr. Gilbert for more than a decade and, according to the superintendent of the Upper West Side apartment building where Miss Clark had lived with two women since 1978, a man resembling Mr. Gil-bert visited her occasionally. Miss Clark would also not discuss the specifics of her involvement in the Rockland holdup.
A diminutive woman with an angular face and hands that seemed always in motion, Miss Clark, 32, traced her political education back to junior high school in Brooklyn in the early 1960's, when she first came to believe that black children were getting a ''destructive'' education.From that time, Miss Clark said, ''there has been a certain continuity to my political in-volvement.''
Miss Clark, who was expelled from the University of Chi-cago in 1969 for her part in a student demonstration, and who later served seven months in a Chicago jail for her role in the Weathermen ''Days of Rage'' street disorders, has been ''above ground'' since 1971. While employed here as a word processor or a legal secretary, she spent much of the 1970's raising sup-port for the defense of ''political prisoners'' and helping to put out a prisoners' newspaper.
In 1978 Miss Clark became spokesman for the May 19th Communist Organization, a new Marxist-Leninist group that had been the East Coast faction of the Weather Underground's successor, the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee. The May 19th group, named after the joint birthday of Malcolm X and Ho Chi Minh, has an all-white membership, including some ''radical feminists.''
With headquarters in a downtown Brooklyn tenement, and with ''strategic leadership from the Black Revolutionary Na-tionalist movement in Amerika,'' the organization proselytizes through pamphlets and demonstrations for ''self-determination'' for victims of ''u.s. imperialism.''

'Racist White Feminists'
Not all their efforts, however, are appreciated by black mili-tants. As recently as several months ago a group of well-known ''B.L.A.-POW's'' in prison here criticized the ''opportunism'' of ''May 19th racist white feminists'' and also deplored the leader-ship of the 13-year-old Republic of New Afrika. The black prisoners said, among other things, that the Afrika group had failed to keep a promise to buy a home computer to analyze documents in suits against the Federal Government, such as one in which Miss Clark, who was the subject of illegal F.B.I. sur-veillance in the early 1970's, is the lead plaintiff.
Miss Clark, who represented her group at a Palestine Libera-tion Organization conference in Beirut a month before the Na-nuet shootout, said the other day that her political thinking had been transformed by the speeches and writings of Malcolm X.
''I was just rereading Malcolm,'' the prisoner added with a smile. ''I have the book here.'' Miss Clark said that working within the American political system was a contradiction in terms. ''You can't expect justice from an unjust system. Look what's happening today, with the Klan on the rise and Reaganomics and this whole idea of 'the new Federalism' that will only mean starvation and lower-quality medical care for the poor. The system is in crisis.''
Miss Clark, peering out a barred window at the snow-covered Catskill Mountains, dismissed the idea that she had en-dangered the well-being of her daughter, Harriet, who was born last spring and who she said was now being cared for by ''com-rades.''
''I don't want my child to grow up in a corrupt society,'' she said, noting that her parents had taught her that all people have ''fundamental rights.'' Miss Clark's father, Joseph, was Moscow correspondent of The Daily Worker before he broke with the Communist Party in 1957. He later was director of press rela-tions for the American Cancer Society, and is now retired. The defendant's mother, Ruth, is an executive of Yankelovich, Skelly and White, the polling concern.
Asked about the ''rights'' of the people slain in the Rockland incident, Miss Clark again invoked Malcolm X. ''As Malcolm said, the government makes the criminals the victims and the victims the criminals.''
Among the ''political prisoners'' whom Miss Clark supported in the 1970's was Marilyn Buck, now one of Miss Clark's co-defendants in the Rockland case. Miss Buck, 34, who has been described by law enforcement officials as the only white mem-ber of the Black Liberation Army, was imprisoned on a weap-ons conviction between 1974 and 1977 at a Federal institution in Alderson, W. Va., where she was visited by Miss Clark and Susan V. Tipograph, a young New York lawyer who was then representing Miss Buck and is now representing Miss Clark. On July 1, 1977, while Miss Buck was on a furlough in connection with a legal appeal, she absconded from Miss Tipograph's apartment on West 14th Street, and has not been captured.

A String of Aliases
According to Kenneth Gribetz, the Rockland County District Attorney, Miss Buck's white Oldsmobile was used in the escape from Nanuet; the blood-soaked car was found later that day in Westchester County. Under a string of aliases, he said, Miss Buck had earlier rented a number of apartments in the New York area that were used as ''safe houses,'' including one in Mount Vernon that was hurriedly emptied on the afternoon of Oct. 20 by Miss Buck and others who were later indicted.
Mr. Burns, in the interview at Kings County Hospital, said he thought he had met Miss Buck in Algeria, where he fled just before being charged in 1969 with plotting to kill police offi-cers and blow up department stores in Manhattan. In that case, known as the ''Panther 21'' case, the defendants were acquitted. Mr. Burns, who is also known as Sekou Odinga, secretly re-turned to this country in the 1970's and, using various aliases, began selling African imports and jewelry. All the while, he said, he ''worked in local struggles to improve schools, feed the hungry and expose police brutality; I've worked all my dog life.''
Mr. Burns said he had ''often heard people say the time is not right for action - I know black people don't like taking to the streets and getting their heads beat in.''
''But the causes that made people take to the streets before are still with us,'' he said. ''The struggle is necessary.'' The de-fendant said the Brink's company stood for the ''very system that is fighting blacks,'' and, while he regretted the fact that one of the policemen slain at the Nyack roadblock was black, ''the color of a lion that attacks me @doesn't matter.''
Although Mr. Burns said he played no part in the Rockland incident, law enforcement officials said he had been identified from photographs by a number of witnesses. Photographic iden-tification and, in some instances, fingerprints in the ''safe houses'' form much of the basis for the indictments of the four defendants who were not captured in Rockland.
These defendants include two men -Donald Weems and An-thony LaBorde -whom Mr. Burns has known since high school in Queens and who have extensive criminal records. The men, like Samuel Smith, who was killed in a shootout with the police in Queens Oct. 23, are believed to have engaged in community organizing and other work in the Ocean Hill-Brownsville sec-tion of Brooklyn, in Harlem and in the South Bronx.
Mr. Smith was shot after a wild car chase in which Mr. Burns was captured. Both of them were wearing bulletproof vests and, in Mr. Smith's pocket, the police found a flattened .38-caliber slug that was traced to a weapon used in Nyack by one of the slain officers.

Suspects in Prison Escape
Mr. Weems and Mr. LaBorde are suspects in the prison es-cape of Miss Chesimard. Mr. Weems escaped twice from New Jersey prisons in the 1970's, where he was serving a sentence for bank robbery. He had previously pleaded guilty to a charge of shooting at policemen, a charge in which Mr. Burns, by then a fugitive, was also implicated by law-enforcement officials.
Another defendant, Samuel Brown, has been described by Chokwe Lumumba, one of the defense lawyers in the Rockland case, as ''the kind of street brother who provides the backbone to the movement.'' Mr. Brown - who like several of the other defendants has charged the police with physical brutality - was arrested last May, police said, carrying a loaded 9-millimeter pistol, in what they said was an attempt to steal a car.
Mr. LaBorde, who was wanted for the ambush-slaying of Police Officer John Scarangello in Queens last April 16, was, in recent years, a paralegal aide at Bronx Legal Services, a feder-ally financed antipoverty program. Mr. LaBorde worked on tenants' rights matters. ''To portray LaBorde as just a terrorist going around killing people would be a mistake,'' said Stephen M. Latimer, a former lawyer with the program. ''I know him. And if he got to that point, it was based on a political conclu-sion that his people were being betrayed and that the system ain't changing.''
Mr. Gribetz, the Rockland County prosecutor, says he is ea-ger to avoid a trial that attempts to put ''the system'' in the dock or that turns on the politics of the defendants, who, apart from the charges of robbery against them, face 25-year-to-life terms if convicted of second-degree murder.
Miss Boudin, of all the accused, seems to be under the most pressure in prison. According to several people who have seen her in recent weeks, she is desperate to avoid long incarcera-tion. One visitor recalled overhearing a conversation at Wood-bourne in which Miss Boudin, in tears, implored Mr. Gilbert to help her.
I've got to get out of here, she was said to have pleaded.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

GRAPHIC: Illustrations: photo of Nathaniel Burns (page B4) photo of Donald Weems (page B4) photo of David J. Gilbert (page B4) photo of Anthony LaBorde (page B4) photo of Katharine Boudin (page B4) photo of Judith A Clark (page B4)

Copyright 1982 The New York Times Company






26 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Associated Press

May 17, 1982, Monday, AM cycle

Former Underground Radical Refuses To Talk To Brink's Grand Jury

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 285 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

Former Weather Underground member Bernardine Dohrn refused Monday to cooperate with a federal grand jury investi-gating last fall's bloody Brink's robbery in Rockland County.
Miss Dohrn refused to comply with a subpoena requiring that she submit samples of her handwriting.
After that refusal, Assistant U.S. Attorney Jane Parver had her brought before U.S. District Judge Gerard L. Goettel to face contempt proceedings.
However, because her lawyer submitted papers seeking to have the subpoena quashed on various claims, Goettel delayed the hearing until Wednesday morning.
Before her court appearance, Miss Dohrn held a news con-ference outside the federal courthouse in Foley Square and said she had no intention of cooperating with the grand jury.
Miss Dohrn denied any involvement whatsoever in the Brink's robbery, in which three lawmen were killed. She de-nounced U.S. Attorney John S. Martin Jr. and claimed the grand jury proceedings were illegal and a "sham."
She said one purpose of the federal grand jury was to "facili-tate John Martin's taking the Rockland County case away from local authorities." She added that it was also designed to "pun-ish" her for her political beliefs because it is well-known she would never cooperate with law enforcement authorities.
"I am accused of no crime," Miss Dohrn said. "I am being jailed for my silence. I will not be coerced into naming names."
Miss Dohrn, on the FBI's most-wanted list for more than four years, hid out for 11 years while faced with criminal charges in connection with the "Days of Rage" radical demon-strations in Chicago. She resurfaced in 1980, pleaded guilty to inciting mob action in Chicago and was put on probation.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1982 Associated Press
All Rights Reserved






27 of 74 DOCUMENTS

United Press International

May 17, 1982, Monday, AM cycle

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 359 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

Bernardine Dohrn, a former Weather Underground mem-ber, said Monday she would not cooperate with a grand jury in-vestigating a fatal Brink's holdup believed staged by members of 1960s radical groups.
Her appearance before the grand jury, scheduled for Mon-day, was postponed until Wednesday. A reason for the post-ponement was not known.
Miss Dohrn -- who went underground after being charged with assaulting a police officer during the militant ''Days of Rage'' protest in Chicago in 1969 -- told reporters she would not cooperate in the grand jury investigation. If she refuses Wednesday, Miss Dohrn, who had been asked for a sample of her handwriting, could be jailed for contempt of court.
''I am being jailed,'' she said, ''not for anything I have done but for what I will not do: give the government information about my activities or beliefs, friends and associates.''
The grand jury in U.S. District Court in Manhattan is look-ing into the involvement of radical groups in the $1.6 million holdup of a Brink's armored car in Rockland County last Oct. 20. Two police officers and a guard were killed in the robbery and subsequent shootout.
Miss Dohrn voluntarily surrendered a little more than a year ago.
Katherine Boudin, who also was a member of the Weather Underground, is in custody and awaiting trial in the Brink's holdup.
Two other key suspects in the case, Judith Clark and David Gilbert, also have been identified as Weather Underground members. They and Miss Boudin were arrested at a police roadblock in Nyack, a few miles from the holdup scene.
Authroites have said Other radical groups were involved in the holdup, including the Republic of New Afrika and the Black Liberation Army.
ln her statement to reporters, Miss Dohrn said, ''Since the events in Nyack, the FBI has reinvented the Weather Under-ground.''
Now the mother of three children, Miss Dohrn said, ''I was not involved in the Nyack events. However, many of the defen-dants are my friends and I know them to be committed people.''
''My belief that the United States government is the greatest menace to the people of the world has not changed,'' she said.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1982 U.P.I.






28 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Associated Press

May 18, 1982, Tuesday, PM cycle

Dohrn Refusing to Cooperate in Brink's Investigation

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 183 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

Former Weather Underground member Bernardine Dohrn is refusing to cooperate with a grand jury investigating an ar-mored truck robbery that left three police officers dead, calling the proceedings a "sham."
Miss Dohrn would not provide a requested handwriting sample and faces contempt charges at a hearing Wednesday morning before U.S. District Court Judge Gerard L. Goettel.
At a news conference Monday prior to her appearance in federal court, Miss Dohrn denied any involvment in the aborted holdup that left three lawmen dead. She condemned the probe as illegal and a "sham," and stated that she would not co-operate with officials.
"I am accused of no crime," Miss Dohrn said. "I am being jailed for my silence. I will not be coerced into naming names."
Miss Dohrn disappeared and hid out for 11 years while faced with criminal charges in connection with the "Days of Rage" radical demonstrations in Chicago. After being on the FBI's most-wanted list for more than four years, she resurfaced in 1980, pleaded guilty to inciting to mob action in Chicago and was put on probation.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1982 Associated Press
All Rights Reserved






29 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The New York Times

May 18, 1982, Tuesday, Late City Final Edition

Miss Dohrn Refusing To Aid Brink's Case

BYLINE: By The Associated Press

SECTION: Section B; Page 3, Column 1; Metropolitan Desk

LENGTH: 144 words

Bernardine Dohrn, the former Weather Underground mem-ber, refused yesterday to cooperate with a Federal grand jury investigating last fall's fatal Brink's robbery in Rockland County.
After balking at a subpoena requiring samples of her hand-writing, Miss Dohr was taken before Judge Gerard L. Goettel in Federal District Court in Manhattan to face contempt proceed-ings. However, her lawyer moved to have the subpoena quashed, and Judge Goettel delayed the contempt hearing until tomorrow.
Before her court appearance, Miss Dohrn held a news con-ference outside the United States Court House in Foley Square and denied any involvement in the Brink's robbery, in which three lawmen were killed. She said she had no intention of co-operating with the grand jury.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1982 The New York Times Company






30 of 74 DOCUMENTS

United Press International

May 19, 1982, Wednesday, BC cycle

BYLINE: By JOHN F. RHODES

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 395 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

A federal judge said Wednesday he will hold Bernadine Dohrn, former member of the radical Weather Underground, in contempt if she refused to give a handwriting sample to a grand jury.
The handwriting demand originates with a federal grand jury investigation of a possible conspiracy of underground radicals in a history of robberies,including the bungled Brinks robbery in Nyack, N.Y. Oct. 20, in which two police officers and a pri-vate security guard were killed.
Testimony in U.S. District Court in Manhattan indicated the government wants the handwriting sample to see if Ms. Dohrn is linked to a ''serious crime other than the Brink's robbery,'' Judge Gerard L. Goettel said before the grand jury hearing Wednesday.
The judge said the handwriting sample would have Ms. Dohrn write the words, ''Martha K. Powell'' but neither he nor Assistant U.S. Attorney Jane Parver would expand on the grand jury's demands.
''They (the government) can certainly tell her to write a name,'' the judge said.
Ms. Dohrn reiterated her intention to refuse to cooperate with the grand jury in any way.
''All the allegations against me are completely untrue,'' she said.
About 50 demonstrators, who called themselves members of the Coalition to Defend the October 20 Freedom Fighters, ap-peared outside the district court building Wednesday to protest the grand jury.
Her defense attorney, Michael Kennedy, said jailing Ms. Dohrn would hurt her children and be a punitive measure rather than one aimed at coercing her to cooperate.
Kennedy also argued that assisting the government was against Ms. Dohrn's principles.
''The law does not recognize Ms. Dohrn's uncompromising principles,'' the judge said. ''She is not a country unto herself.''
He said that if Ms. Dohrn goes to jail for contempt, ''She has the key to the jail in her hand.''
Miss Dohrn, who was initially to go before the grand jury Monday, is not charged in the Brink's case.
Another former Weather Underground member and defen-dant in the Brink's case, Judith Clark, is to appear in a police lineup today in Rockland County where the bungled armored car heist occurred.
Miss Dohrn went underground after being charged with as-saulting a police officer during the militant ''Days of Rage'' pro-test in Chicago in 1969.
Miss Dohrn voluntarily surrendered to authorities a little more than a year ago.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1982 U.P.I.






31 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Associated Press

May 19, 1982, Wednesday, AM cycle

Two Plead Innocent to Bronx Robbery-Slaying

BYLINE: By JOHN SHANAHAN, Associated Press Writer

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 572 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

In a courtroom guarded by shotgun-toting police, two men accused in the bloody Brink's robbery in Rockland County pleaded innocent Wednesday to a similar holdup-slaying in the Bronx.
Donald Weems, 35, of the Bronx, and Edward Lawrence Jo-sephs, 29, of Manhattan, identified by the state as former Black Panthers, were ordered held without bail.
In Manhattan, meanwhile, a former activist subpoenaed for the grand jury investigation of the Rockland County robbery, in which two Nyack police officers and a Brink's guard were killed, was jailed for contempt and another prospective witness said he would not cooperate.
In the Bronx holdup, a Brink's truck was ambushed outside a Chase Manhattan Bank branch. Three men jumped from a rented van and opened fire on the armored truck's crew with an automatic rifle, a 9mm pistol and a shotgun. One Brink's guard was killed and a second permanently disabled. The robbers fled with $292,000.
"That truck was attacked by these two defendants and oth-ers," Assistant District Attorney James Shalleck told Justice William Kapelman in the Bronx state Supreme Court. "No words were exchanged. As the guards were going about their duties, these two defendants opened fire without saying a word."
Bronx District Attorney Mario Merola said the nine-count indictment charged Weems and Josephs with murder, robbery and weapons possession.
He said participants in the Bronx and Rockland County holdups, plus one in Danbury, Conn., in March 1980 and an-other in Inwood on Long Island in April 1979 were members of the Black Liberation Army and the Weather Underground.
Weems has been indicted on state charges of robbery and murder for the Rockland County robbery; Josephs, as "Edward L. Joseph" has been indicted on federal charges of being a gunman in that robbery. Merola's office said Joseph and Jo-sephs are the same man.
Merola said a third suspect in the Bronx killing, Samuel Smith, was slain in a shoot-out with police in Queens last Oct. 23, a few days after the Rockland County robbery.
Merola said more indictments were expected in the case.
Lawrence Fogelman, representing Weems, contended that the state's case "is tenuous at best" against the two in the Bronx robbery-slaying. He said only one witness had picked out Jo-sephs from a photograph.
In federal court in Manhattan, meanwhile, former Weather Underground member Bernardine Dohrn was cited for con-tempt and jailed by a federal judge for refusing to provide sam-ples of her handwriting to the federal grand jury.
Miss Dohrn, who hid out for 11 years before she surfaced in 1980 to face charges of inciting rioting during the 1968 Democ-ratic Convention in Chicago, was jailed after a hearing before U.S. District Judge Gerard Goettel.
She was subpoenaed before the federal grand jury on Mon-day and refused to comply with its request for handwriting samples. On Wednesday she was given another opportunity to comply. Goettel told her she could refuse to give testimony without being held in contempt, but could not refuse to provide the handwriting samples.
Miss Dohrn was sent to the Metropolitan Correctional Cen-ter for not more than 18 months or until she decides to comply.
Dr. Alan Berkman, who described himself as a resident at Lincoln Hospital, at a news conference said he had been sub-poenaed but would refuse to comply.
Berkman acknowledged having treated several people linked to the Brink's robbery.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1982 Associated Press
All Rights Reserved






32 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The New York Times

May 20, 1982, Thursday, Late City Final Edition

2 ARE CHARGED IN A 2D HOLDUP OF A BRINK'S CAR

BYLINE: By MARCIA CHAMBERS

SECTION: Section B; Page 12, Column 1; Metropolitan Desk

LENGTH: 390 words

Two men charged in the Brink's armored-car robbery in Rockland County last October were indicted yesterday in an earlier Brink's robbery in the Bronx.
A Brink's guard and two police officers were killed in the Rockland robbery. The Bronx robbery, which took place near Co-op City on June 2, 1981, left one Brink's guard dead and another permanently disabled.
The two accused men - Donald Weems, 35 years old, of the Bronx, and Edward Joseph, 29, of Manhattan -were defendants a decade ago in the so-called Black Panther 21 trial, which ended in acquittal. They pleaded not guilty yesterday in the Brink's case before Justice William Kapelman in State Su-preme Court and were returned to jail. Outside the courtroom, police sharpshooters with rifles were on guard.

Miss Dohrn Jailed for Contempt
Meanwhile in United States District Court in Manhattan, a judge jailed Bernardine Dohrn, a former member of the Weather Underground, for contempt for refusing to give a handwriting sample to a Federal grand jury investigating radical conspiracies. The grand jury is looking into a series of robberies and other crimes by suspects it believes are connected to the Black Liberation Army and the Weather Underground. Miss Dohrn was ordered to jail until she cooperates or until the grand jury's 18-month-term expires.
''I will not cooperate,'' she said and waved goodbye to her young children as she was led out of court. The prosecutors apparently want the handwriting sample to see if Miss Dohrn is linked to a ''serious crime other than the Brink's robbery.'' They asked her to write the words Martha K. Powell, and she refused.
Mr. Joseph has been indicted by the same Federal grand jury on conspiracy charges, and Mr. Weems has been indicted by another state grand jury in the Rockland Brink's case.
Mario Merola, the Bronx District Attorney, said there were striking similiaries between the Rockland and Bronx robberies. '' In both cases, without uttering a word, the assailants opened fire,'' he said. ''It was an unprovoked execution.'' The defendants are also accused of taking $292,000 from the Brink's guards. The money has not been recovered.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

GRAPHIC: Illustrations: photo of an armed correction officer

Copyright 1982 The New York Times Company






33 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Associated Press

May 20, 1982, Thursday, PM cycle

Two Plead Innocent to Bronx Brink's Heist

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 466 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

Two men accused in the bloody holdup of a Brink's ar-mored car in suburban New York City last October in which three people were killed have pleaded innocent to another Brink's holdup-slaying four months earlier.
Donald Weems, 35, of the Bronx, and Edward Lawrence Jo-sephs, 29, of Manhattan, were ordered held without bail after entering the pleas Wednesday in state Supreme Court in the Bronx.
They were charged in a nine-count indictment with murder, robbery and weapons possession in connection with the June 1981 holdup outside a Chase Manhattan Bank branch in the Bronx.
A federal judge in Manhattan, meanwhile, cited former Weather Underground member Bernardine Dohrn for contempt and ordered her jailed for refusing to provide handwriting sam-ples to a federal grand jury investigating a radical conspiracy in the October holdup in Rockland County.
In the Bronx holdup, one Brink's guard was killed and an-other was permanently disabled. The gunmen escaped with $292,000.
Weems also has been indicted on state charges of robbery and murder for the botched $1.6 million Rockland County heist Oct. 20 and Josephs, also known as Edward L. Joseph, has been indicted on federal charges of being one of the gunmen in that robbery, in which one Brink's guard and two Nyack policemen were killed.
In both the Bronx and the Rockland County Brink's heists, "without uttering a word, the assailants opened fire," said Bronx District Attorney Mario Merola. "It was an unprovoked execu-tion," he said.
A third suspect in the Bronx robbery, Samuel Smith, was slain in a Queens shoot-out with police three days after the Rockland robbery.
Merola said both Weems and Josephs were former Black Panthers. He said more indictments were expected in the case.
Security was tight at the Bronx courthouse where shotgun-toting guards patrolled the corridors and visitors were searched.
Miss Dohrn, who was underground for 11 years before re-surfacing in 1980 to face charges of inciting a riot at the 1968 Democratic Convention in Chicago, was subpoenaed by the grand jury Monday but refused to comply with its request that she submit a sample of her handwriting.
"I will not cooperate," she said and waved goodbye to her young children as she was led to jail.
U.S. District Judge Gerard Goettel told Miss Dohrn she could refuse to give testimony but could not refuse to provide the samples.
She was sent to the Metropolitan Correctional Center for a maximum of 18 months or until she complies.
Dr. Alan Berkman, who said he is a resident at Lincoln Hos-pital, disclosed outside the Manhattan courthouse that he also has been subpoenaed to appear before the grand jury.
Berkman, who said he treated several people linked to the Brink's robbery, said he would not cooperate when called on Monday.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1982 Associated Press
All Rights Reserved






34 of 74 DOCUMENTS

United Press International

May 20, 1982, Thursday, PM cycle

World News Summary

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 70 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

Former Weather Underground member Bernardine Dohrn, jailed for refusing to cooperate with a grand jury investigating the $1.6 million Brink's holdup, says her decision to go to jail was ''quite difficult.''
Ms. Dohrn, 40, a mother of two, told a judge Wednesday she hoped her decision not to cooperate with ''government ille-gality, lies and misconduct'' would help ''our children ... grow up in a better world.''

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1982 U.P.I.






35 of 74 DOCUMENTS


The Globe and Mail (Canada)

May 20, 1982 Thursday

AROUND THE WORLD Ex-radical jailed

BYLINE: GAM

LENGTH: 100 words

DATELINE: New York NY

NEW YORK - Bernadine Dohrn, once a leader of the radi-cal Weather
Underground, was jailed for contempt of court yesterday after refusing to
give a federal grand jury a sample of her handwriting. The grand jury is
investigating last October's robbery of a Brink's van in subur-ban New York
by Weather Underground members and the Black Liberation Army, another
radical group. Two policemen and a security guard were killed in the
robbery. U.S. District Court Judge Gerard Goettel ordered Miss Dohrn sent
to jail until she either agrees to provide the handwriting sam-ples or the
grand jury completes its term.

LOAD-DATE: January 12, 2007

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

PUBLICATION-TYPE: Newspaper


Copyright 1982 Bell Globemedia Publishing Inc. and its licen-sors
All Rights Reserved






36 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The New York Times

May 23, 1982, Sunday, Late City Final Edition

Headliners;
Returning the Favor

SECTION: Section 4; Page 11, Column 3; Week in Review Desk

LENGTH: 141 words

As a member of the Weather Underground, Bernardine Dohrn made no secret of the contempt in which she held the Government. Last week, the Government held her in contempt, sending her to jail for refusing to furnish a handwriting sample to a grand jury probing last year's Brink's shootout in Rockland County and other robberies. Though a stretch behind bars was ''quite difficult'' - she has two children - the former fugitive said she was determined to protest ''government illegality, lies and misconduct.'' Going public in 1980 after 11 years in hiding, Miss Dohrn got three years probation for her role in violent demonstrations. This time, she could be jailed for 18 months, unless she changes her mind or the grand jury is dismissed first.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

GRAPHIC: Illustrations: photo of Bernadine Dohrn

Copyright 1982 The New York Times Company






37 of 74 DOCUMENTS

United Press International

May 26, 1982, Wednesday, PM cycle

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 286 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

A doctor who authorities say treated one of the suspects in the $1.6 million Brink's robbery was ordered to appear today before a federal grand jury investigating the holdup, in which two cops and a secuirty guard were killed.
Dr. Alan Berkman, who works in an out-patient clinic at Lincoln Hospital, was told Tuesday at a hearing in U.S. District Court in Manhattan to return today to make his grand jury ap-pearance.
Lisa Roth, a spokeswoman for the John Brown Anti-Klan Committee, said Berkman, who is a member of that group, in-tends to refuse to cooperate with the grand jury.
If he refuses to cooperate, he could be cited for contempt of court and ordered jailed for the duration of the grand jury.
Bernardine Dohrn, a former radical fugitive who surren-dered last year, was sent to prison last week for refusing to co-operate with the grand jury.
The panel is investigating a possible conspiracy between radical groups in the Brink's holdup.
Berkman's lawyers contend the federal government is using their client to get information on the whereabouts of Marilyn Jean Buck, a fugitive and accused conspirator in the case.
Authorities said Berkman was at a ''safe house'' in Mount Vernon, N.Y., following the Oct. 20 robbery in Nanuet, N.Y., and treated Ms. Buck, the only white member of the Black Lib-eration Army.
Authorities believe she was wounded in the $1.6 million robbery and subsequent shootout.
Ms. Roth said Berkman also treated Samuel Brown, who is charged with murder in the Brink's holdup.
Police have said they believe the Brink's robbery is part of a series of armored car holdups carried out by the remnants of the radical Weather Underground and the Black Liberation Army.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1982 U.P.I.






38 of 74 DOCUMENTS

United Press International

May 27, 1982, Thursday, PM cycle ###

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 242 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

A doctor who treated a suspect in the $1.6 million Brink's robbery was in jail today for refusing to cooperate with a jury investigating the holdup, in which two cops and a security guard were killed.
Dr. Alan Berkman, who works in an out-patient clinic at Lincoln Hospital, defied a court order Wednesday to provide the jurors with photographs and handwriting samples.
He was ordered jailed for the duration of the grand jury's term -- a maximum of 18 months -- or until he cooperates.
Bernardine Dohrn, a former radical fugitive who surren-dered last year, was jailed last week for refusing to testify be-fore the grand jury.
The panel is investigating a possible conspiracy in the Oct. 20, 1981, Brink's holdup between such radical groups as the Weather Underground and the Black Liberation Army.
Two police officers and a Brink's guard were killed in the bungled holdup in Rockland County. The $1.6 million was re-covered.
Berkman's lawyers contend the government is trying to get information on the whereabouts of Marilyn Jean Buck, a fugi-tive and accused conspirator in the case.
Authorities said Berkman was at a ''safe house'' in Mount Vernon, N.Y., following the robbery and treated Ms. Buck, the only white member of the Black Liberation Army. Authorities said she was wounded in the shootout.
A spokesman for Berkman said the physician treated Samuel Brown, charged with murder in the Brink's holdup, after Brown was jailed.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1982 U.P.I.






39 of 74 DOCUMENTS


The Globe and Mail (Canada)

July 24, 1982 Saturday

Upper West Side story It's still the Big Apple's literary core but the trendies keep nibbling away

BYLINE: ROBERT EDWARD BROWN; GAM

LENGTH: 1613 words

DATELINE: New York NY

BY ROBERT EDWARD BROWN
NEW YORK
A
LFRED KAZIN, the literary critic who wrote New York Jew, once remarked
that New York City has been the single most important factor in American
literature. Before the Second World War, his observation could have fit
only one of the city's neighborhoods - Greenwich Village. But, since then,
another neighborhood has assumed the preeminent place in the city's
literary life. It's called the Upper West Side.
A rough geographical definition hints at why. The Manhat-tan
neighborhood is bounded at the north and south by two of the city's most
substantial cultural institutions, Columbia University and the Lincoln
Centre for the Performing Arts.
The adjective "upper" refers to the fact that the area lies north of
Central Park South, whereas much of Manhattan's West Side is south of this
dividing line. The neighborhood is west of Central Park, Man-hattan's
fundamental east-west boundary, and east of the Hudson River, which
supposedly separates sophisticated New York from provincial America.
Newspaper tabloids have made the Upper West Side famous - and infamous
- for nonliterary reasons. John Lennon was gunned down here. Patty Hearst
was hidden away here, and celebrity radical Weatherpersons such as
Bernadette Dohrn and Jane Alpert lived, shopped and even worked in the
neighborhood, anonymously or not. (The politically liberal sympathies of
the area make it an attractive hideout for nonconformists.)
But even with the splashy violence and radical chic, there is genuine
literary history on the Upper West Side. (Jack Abbott, inciden-tally,
stabbed to death an unfortunate waiter not on the Upper West Side but the
Lower East Side.) The names of Upper West Side writers make a pantheon of
American literature: Washington Irving, Edgar Allen Poe (who wrote The
Raven in an apartment on what is now 84th Street and Broad-way), Edith
Wharton, Sara Teasdale, Edna Ferber and Sinclair Lewis.
Distinguished visitors have included William Butler Yeats who,
according to a book called Literary New York, came for a short while in
1903, staying in an apartment where he produced a poem called Never Give
All the Heart.
Garcia Lorca was another visitor. His volume of poems, Poet in New
York, beautifully recalls his stay in the 1929. Gertrude Stein had an
Upper West Side flat in 1902. Herman Wouk wrote Marjorie Morningstar on
Central Park West. Theodore Dreiser rented an apartment in 1899 on 102nd
Street, a brisk walk from Columbia on the brink of the pro-gressive era of
John Dewey.
Flamboyance has been plentiful on this side of town. The year the stock
market crashed - 1929 - Harry Crosby, a poet whose bizarre tastes and
moderate talents were somehow representative of his era, committed suicide
with his girl friend in the Hotel des Artistes on West 67th Street (today
there is a cafe there by that name). That establishment also housed, for a
time, other literary and cultural celebrities, including Noel Coward and
Isadora Duncan, vastly dissimilar artists who, one might add, could hardly
be found paired in any other way than as names in a hotel reg-ister.
For all this prewar literary glamor, it wasn't until the 1950s that the
Upper West Side had its heyday, when Saul Bellow, J. D. Salinger, Allen
Ginsberg, Lionel Trilling and others were at work in the neighborhood.
(Bellow, ironically, quit New York for Chicago where he could be free of
what he has said were stultifying literary cliques.)
The rise of the clique that came to be called "the New York Jewish
literary intelligentsia" - Trilling, art critics Harold Rosenberg and
Clement Greenberg ("college of the Bergs"), and other writers for the
Partisan Review - may have been responsible for historian Loren Baritz's
recent description: "New York is vital, energetic, frenzied, rude, pushy,
sophisticated, elegant, shabby, provincial, cosmopolitan, mori-bund,
Jewish, corrupt, filthy and magnificent."
Whether the neighborhood is "Jewish," it is certainly not moribund - at
least not according to The Wall Street Journal, which explained why Feb. 1
in a front-page story titled: Urban Uplift - Youthful Profes-sionals
Without Any Children Transform City Areas. Beneath that, a further heading
explained that New York's Upper West Wide Gets Glittery New Shops - and
Doubling of Rents.
It seems a controversial phenomenon known as "gentrifica-tion" is
turning parts of the "ethnically mixed" neighborhood of Beaux Arts hotels
and brownstone walkups into an "upscale" land of expensive co-operative
apartments - and quiche shops.
A stylish and witty book titled Bachelorhood describes the rites of
gentrification in some depth. Author Philip Lopate observes that one West
Side avenue - transformed by what he calls "quiche blight" - is now a "Via
Veneto for swells and near swells . . . It is no longer possible to carry
groceries home without stumbling over the pointy shoe of some magazine-
cover type watching passersby with a glass of white wine in one hand at an
outdoor table."
What bothers writers more than hedonism is the threat of eviction from
the swift trend to convert low-rent apartment buildings into high-price
co-ops where two-bedroom flats may command $150,000 on the open market.
Postwar rent controls have been undermined by inflation and speculation.
Better heeled and more established writers such as Jules Feiffer,
Joseph Heller and Erica Jong - all reputed to be occupying West Side
apartments - may be more able to stand the financial shock of
gentrification. One apparently permanent resident is Isaac Bashevis
Singer, who won the Nobel Prize for literature in 1979. Now 78, Singer has
told reporters that he's lived longer on the West Side than he did in his
native Poland, and that he sometimes gives his Polish shtetl stories a
West Side setting, and vice-versa. Singer escapes the bitter cold winters
by heading south to Miami.
But even "blighted" by quiche shops and co-operatives, the West Side is
likely to continue attracting literary intellectuals. (Where else could
Woody Allen have made Annie Hall?)
Broadway above Lincoln Centre offers what writers require: the best
literary bookstores, revival moviehouses, stationery stores, day-care
centres for their kids, Chinese laundries for their shirts, pizza places
that deliver and superb bagels - not to mention Lincoln Centre's symphony,
opera and theatre.
Pete Martin, who owns what is widely regarded here as the finest of the
literary bookstores, the New Yorker on 89th off Broadway, ac-tually cares
enough to stock and promote resident writers' books. A writer would have
to be mad to live in another part of town.
Sadly, there is much actual madness in the streets, though not the
wild-wacky-and-wonderful variety.
Joel Kovel, a psychiatrist who works and lives in the Broadway area
above 72nd Street, uses the word "brutal" to describe the neighborhood.
"It's harsh, full of rough edges, full of misery and madness - not the
kind you can romanticize, but people sitting on Broadway, to-tally
deteriorated."
Kovel's most recent book, The Age of Desire, puts much of the blame on
capitalism's failure of heart. Laws that "de-institutionalized" the
population of New York State's mental asylums in the 1970s turned Broadway
above 72nd into a mean street where a number of anguished, angry,
muttering and forlorn men and women wander about, occa-sionally creating a
medieval scene and frightening tourists.
If West Siders are less frightened, perhaps, it is because they
recognize the relatively small and familiar cast of crazies. There's one
man, for example, who picks the absolutely worst winter days and nights to
sit in front of Broadway storefronts beating on an old set of drums with
neither any apparent sense of rhythm, nor much interest in cadging change
from passersby.
The rhythmless drummer could not afford the services of the many
psychiatrists who, in the past generation, have moved to the West Side,
attracted by apartments spacious enough for both their families and
professional offices. (Local myth says they followed psychia-try dean
Harry Stack Sullivan here.)
Writers moved from the smaller-scale apartments of Green-wich Village to
the West Side for similar reasons. Unlike their literary prede-cessors, the
generation of postwar writers tended to produce both children and books, a
combination requiring apartments that were then both available and
affordable.
Will the Upper West Side become the Upper Class West Side? Will writers
and other intellectuals move to Brooklyn en masse or - God forbid - to New
Jersey? It is impossible to predict. But the Upper West Side remains
"rude, pushy and magnificent," despite its current economic metamorphosis.
There is still a geist that feeds and protects the writer - a rare
combination of city stimulation and privacy some find essential to the
creative process.
Cities change, and so do their neighborhoods. It is probably
historically shortsighted to equate that change with destruction. Nor is
it likely that the West Side will become very much like the East Side
(read Park Avenue), which is far less heterogeneous in its population, and
more obviously dominated by a non-literary business class.
But even if gentrification does deliver some writers into the clutches
of Brooklyn, it can never banish the true immortals of the place - Holden
Caulfield, Moses Herzog, Sister Carrie, Marjorie Morningstar, Jules
Feiffer's cartoon neurotics. All of them seem inseparable from their Upper
West Side neighborhood.
Some writers may leave the West Side, but literature itself will
remain, because writers have done more than inhabit the place - they've
created a unique, urban fictional landscape, which is beyond
gentrification.

LOAD-DATE: January 12, 2007

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

PUBLICATION-TYPE: Newspaper


Copyright 1982 Bell Globemedia Publishing Inc. and its licen-sors
All Rights Reserved






40 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Associated Press

July 25, 1982, Sunday, BC cycle

Brink's Robbery Led To Wider Probe of Radicals

BYLINE: By EILEEN PUTMAN, Associated Press Writer

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 852 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

Code-named the "Big Dance," the robbery was planned as a triumphant battle in the war a band of black revolutionaries and white radicals saw themselves waging against the authorities.
Instead, the $1.6 million bloody Brink's heist in Rockland County last Oct. 20 was a massacre that sparked a massive fed-eral probe into what the FBI says is a larger terrorist conspir-acy.
Involved in the alleged conspiracy, say FBI affidavits, are at least 17 people _ including former members of the Weather Underground, soldiers of the Black Liberation Army, associates of a Harlem acupuncture clinic and black separatists who may be tied to the Puerto Rican terrorist group FALN.
The targets of the investigation say the FBI is waging a witch hunt against them for their radical beliefs and associa-tions.
But as prosecutors gird for what could be one of the longest criminal trials in U.S. history _ defense lawyers say as long as a year _ new details have emerged about the Brink's case and those who to date have been only peripheral figures to it.
They include a physician the FBI says is a member of the May 19th Communist Organization, a Bronx paralegal worker, a former New Left activist and former Weather Underground leader Bernardine Dohrn.
Those four and two others are in jail on contempt charges for refusing to cooperate with a federal grand jury investigating the holdup in Nanuet, in which a Brink's guard was killed, and the ensuing shootout at a roadblock in Nyack, in which two po-lice officers died. None of the six is charged in the case itself.
Ms. Dohrn appeared to express their sentiments when she said in a recent television interview from prison that she "couldn't live with myself" if she cooperated with the authori-ties.
But new information in U.S. District Court papers discloses that the FBI says it has evidence that Ms. Dohrn and the others may be more deeply involved in the case than previously por-trayed.
Among the previously undisclosed allegations made by the court papers:
Ms. Dohrn, while clerking at a Broadway clothing store, personally handled a driver's license that a customer used for identification. Information from that license was used to obtain a duplicate license that was used to rent a car used in a $500,000 robbery on Long Island in which at least one person accused in the Brink's robbery is a suspect.
Four months after the Brink's robbery-murders, Ms. Dohrn met with Marilyn Jean Buck, a fugitive indicted in the case. The papers allege that Ms. Dohrn now knows the whereabouts of Ms. Buck, the only white member of the Black Liberation Army.
Dr. Alan Berkman, a physician now in jail for refusing to cooperate with the grand jury, treated Ms. Buck for gunshot wounds she sustained in the robbery. An FBI informant said Ms. Buck shot herself in the leg during "the panic at the police roadblock in Nyack."
But Kenneth Walton, head of an FBI task force investigating the case, said in a earlier interview that members of the group that pulled the Brink's robbery had been "robbing banks since 1976" to finance their activities.
The alleged terrorists appear to regard the money as right-fully theirs, according to a statement from the "Coalition to De-fend the October 20th Freedom Fighters" which called the rob-bery-murders an "attempted expropriation of the Brink's truck in Nyack, N.Y."
Backgrounds of the Brink's circle include past brushes with the law.
Several of the indicted Brink's suspects are former Black Panthers acquitted in an alleged plot 10 years ago to bomb a po-lice station and department stores. Safe houses used by the Brink's robbers contained diagrams of New York police sta-tions and a Queens jail.
Before the Brink's robbery, former Weather Underground member Kathy Boudin was being sought after she fled from an explosion 12 years ago at a Greenwich Village brownstone apartment police said was used by the radicals as a bomb fac-tory.
Others, like Judith Clark, were active in anti-war protests. Ms. Clark served a nine-month jail term in the "Days of Rage" protests in 1969 in Chicago. She was also the target of an ear-lier FBI probe in which agents were accused of intercepting her mail.
These and others under investigation say they are being per-secuted for their radical views _ not for refusing to testify or provide the grand jury with handwriting and hair samples to compare with wigs and documents possibly connected to the Brink's robbery.
Berkman called the Brink's suspects "freedom fighters" and told U.S. District Judge Gerard L. Goettel that the grand jury was being used as a "tool of political repression" to crush the struggle for black rights.
Ms. Fula, who is involved in a task force dedicated to "ex-pose the racism and hypocrisy of the policies of the U.S. Gov-ernment," has charged authorities with conducting a "witchhunt to ferret out political dissidents."
Goettel rejected those contentions in jailing those who re-fused to cooperate with the grand jury.
"The facts of the matter ... bely any such conclusion," Goet-tel said. "Bank robbery and murder will always be acts of ter-rorism."

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

ADVANCED-DATE: July 23, 1982, Friday, BC cycle

Copyright 1982 Associated Press
All Rights Reserved






41 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The New York Times

August 9, 1982, Monday, Late City Final Edition

PEOPLE INVOLVED IN THE CASE

SECTION: Section B; Page 5, Column 2; Metropolitan Desk

LENGTH: 345 words

The Brink's case, which is moving toward a scheduled Sept. 13 opening of pretrial proceedings in Rockland County, prom-ises to be an unusually complex prosecution. Seven arrested suspects, all of whom have pleaded not guilty, face state charges of robbery and homicide carrying combined prison sen-tences of 50 years to life for each defendant. An eighth remains a fugitive.
Three others, including one man who is still at large, have been indicted on Federal charges of bank robbery and racket-eering and face a separate trial, which is to begin in September.
Four of the homicide suspects were arrested near the site of the robbery. They were Katherine Boudin, Judith A. Clark and David J. Gilbert - identified by the Federal Bureau of Investi-gation as members of the Weather Underground - and Samuel Brown, whom the F.B.I. said it believed was affiliated with the Black Liberation Army. Four others said to be members of the Black Liberation Army were later indicted -Anthony N. La-Borde, Donald Weems, Nathaniel Burns and Marilyn Jean Buck. All but Miss Buck were apprehended; she remains a fugi-tive. Another suspect, Samuel Smith, was killed in a shootout with the police in Queens last Oct. 23.
The Federal indictments named three men, Edward Law-rence Joseph, identified by the F.B.I. as a member of the Black Panther Party, and Cecil Ferguson and Mutulu Shakur, de-scribed by the F.B.I. as members of the Republic of New Af-rika. The first two are in custody; Mr. Shakur is being sought as a fugitive and has been added to the F.B.I.'s list of 10 most-wanted persons.
In addition, seven witnesses have been imprisoned on con-tempt charges for refusing to submit to Federal grand jury sub-poenas requesting testimony or samples of hair or handwriting. They are Eve Rosahn, Alan Berkman, Bernardine Dohrn, Yaasmyn D. Fula, Jerry Gaines, Shahim Abdul Jabbar and Rene Thornton. An eighth subpoenaed witness, Cynthia Bos-ton, is being sought.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1982 The New York Times Company






42 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The New York Times

December 24, 1982, Friday, Late City Final Edition

FUNDS FROM ACCORD ON A SUIT GO TO BAIL FOR A BRINK'S SUSPECT

BYLINE: By The Associated Press

SECTION: Section B; Page 6, Column 4; Metropolitan Desk

LENGTH: 366 words

A 1978 civil suit in which eight political radicals charged that they had been subjected to illegal Federal surveillance has been settled, officials said yesterday. The eight plaintiffs in-clude two figures in the Brink's armored-car holdup and kill-ings in Rockland County, Judith A. Clark and Eve Rosahn.
At a hearing yesterday before a United States magistrate, three of the plaintiffs testified that they had received $15,000 apiece as part of the settlement, and that they had used the money to help raise bail for a woman indicted on Federal charges in the Brink's case. Officials said the suit was settled Oct. 5.
Yesterday's hearing was held by the magistrate, Leonard Bernikow, to determine if $300,000 raised to post bail for the indicted woman, Silvia Baraldini, had come from legitimate sources.
One of the witnesses at the hearing was Miss Rosahn, who had been jailed for contempt for refusing to cooperate with a Federal grand jury investigating the Brink's holdup. The other two witnesses were Dana Bieberman and Natalee Rosenstein. The remaining plaintiffs in the suit were Jennifer Dohrn, Jane Spielman, Judy Greenberg and Franklin Apfel.

U.S. Motion Is Denied
Officials said after the hearing that Miss Clark, who faces trial in Orange County on state charges in the Brink's case, had settled the civil action without receiving any payment, and that the remaining seven plaintiffs had settled for $15,000 each.
The magistrate overruled efforts by Federal prosecutors to prevent the bail from being posted yesterday. Government prosecutors appealed to Judge John E. Sprizzo of Federal Dis-trict Court in Manhattan, urging that he reverse the magistrate's decision.
The judge denied the motion and allowed Susan V. Tipog-raph, a lawyer who employs Miss Baraldini, to post bail on the condition that Miss Baraldini report in person to the United States Attorney's office every day over the holiday weekend.
Federal prosecutors indicated they would renew their appeal on Monday.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1982 The New York Times Company






43 of 74 DOCUMENTS

In the Matter of the Subpoena Served Upon Ber-nardine DOHRN

No. M-11-188

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK

560 F. Supp. 179; 1983 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 20281


January 4, 1983

SUBSEQUENT HISTORY: [**1] As Amended January 5, 1983.

CASE SUMMARY:


PROCEDURAL POSTURE: Movant witness was found in contempt of court because of her refusal to comply with the court's order to provide a sample of her handwriting to a federal grand jury. Before the court was her motion to vacate the con-tempt order.

OVERVIEW: The grand jury was investigating an armored car robbery and had requested the writing sample to determine whether the witness had forged a signature on an application for a duplicate driver's license. When her motion to quash the sub-poena was denied and she still refused to supply the writing sample, she was found in contempt. The witness's self-serving statement that she would not cooperate could not, of itself, be considered to determine whether the court should continue to enforce the order of civil contempt. However, the court found that this was a case proper for it to exercise its discretionary power to release the witness. First, it became increasingly clear that the witness's recalcitrance would continue and that further incarceration would not compel her to cooperate. Second, the importance of her handwriting exemplars had diminished over time. Despite the witness's recalcitrance, the grand jury investi-gation proceeded apace, and a number of indictments were re-turned. Third, the government had found enough handwriting examples in its own files to make the exemplar unnecessary.

OUTCOME: The court modified the order of contempt and di-rected that the witness be released from jail.

CORE TERMS: handwriting, exemplar, grand jury, signature, incarceration, cooperate, contempt, robbery, criminal activity, hair, questioned, forged, handwriting samples, vacate, jail, specimens, grand jury, subpoenaed, contemnor's, vacated, driver's license, questionable, spontaneous, indictment, order requiring, contempt order, refusal to comply, civil contempt, recalcitrant witness, fingerprinting

LexisNexis(R) Headnotes

Civil Procedure > Remedies > Injunctions > Contempt
Civil Procedure > Sanctions > Contempt > Civil Contempt
[HN1] A contemnor's self-serving statement that he or she will not cooperate should not, by itself, be considered by courts in determining whether to impose or continue to enforce an order of civil contempt.

Civil Procedure > Remedies > Injunctions > Contempt
Civil Procedure > Sanctions > Contempt > Civil Contempt
[HN2] Except in unusual circumstances, courts should not con-clude that, as a matter cognizable under due process, confine-ment for civil contempt that has not yet reached the eighteen-month limit of 28 U.S.C.S. § 1826 has nonetheless lost its coer-cive impact and become punitive.

Civil Procedure > Remedies > Injunctions > Contempt
[HN3] The court retains the power to release a recalcitrant wit-ness whenever it concludes that further incarceration will not cause the witness to testify. When it becomes obvious that sanc-tions are not going to compel compliance, they lose their reme-dial characteristics and take on more of the nature of punish-ment. Moreover, the court retains the ability to determine the length of incarceration in light of, not only the apparent lack of effect of incarceration, but also the surrounding circumstances and the need for the witness's evidence.

COUNSEL: John S. Martin, Jr., U.S. Atty., S.D.N.Y., New York, New York, for the United States of America by Robert S. Litt and Stacey J. Moritz, Asst. U.S. Attys., New York, New York, of counsel.

Michael Kennedy, Joseph Calluori, Michael Kennedy, P.C., New York, New York, for Bernardine Dohrn.

JUDGES: Goettel, District Judge.

OPINION BY: GOETTEL

OPINION
[*179] MEMORANDUM AND ORDER
GOETTEL, District Judge.
On May 19, 1982, this Court found Bernardine Dohrn 1 in con-tempt of court because of her refusal to comply with the Court's order to provide a sample of her handwriting to a federal grand jury. She was ordered confined pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1826 until she complied with the Court's order. Before this Court is Dohrn's motion to vacate the contempt order.


1 Dohrn had been a member of the Weather Underground and was, for a number of years, a fugitive living under-ground. She has been publically associated with a number of extreme political causes.

The grand jury investigation that underlies [**2] this motion resulted from a violent armed robbery of a Brinks armored truck in Nanuet, New York on October 20, 1981. (The perpe-trators stole $1.6 million, murdered a Brinks guard, and during their escape, which was aided by several confederates, mur-dered two more policemen.) Thus far, the investigation has un-covered a widespread criminal conspiracy to commit armed [*180] robberies, murders, prison escapes, and other crimes. It has also led to the indictment of eleven persons, including four fugitives.
One of the crimes under investigation by the grand jury is a one-half million dollar armored car robbery that occurred in Inwood, New York in April, 1980. According to the Govern-ment, "the evidence before the grand jury suggests that Dohrn, then employed as a salesperson at a Manhattan store, obtained for the conspirators driver's license information that was used fraudulently to obtain a duplicate driver's license which, in turn, was used to rent a station wagon [that was used in the rob-bery]." Affidavit of Robert Litt para. 3. 2 In an effort to deter-mine whether Dohrn had forged the signature on the applica-tion for a duplicate driver's license, the grand jury subpoenaed [**3] Dohrn on May 13, 1982, to provide handwriting exem-plars.


2 Although it was initially suggested that Dohrn might have been an active participant in the robbery, the Gov-ernment now merely suggests that, at the least, she might have been an unwitting facilitator of the criminal activity.

Dohrn moved to quash the subpoena on May 17, 1982. The Court, however, denied her motion and ordered her to comply. When she refused, the Court held her in contempt.
Dohrn has been confined at the Metropolitan Correctional Cen-ter (MCC) for seven months. 3 Throughout this time, she has remained adamant in her refusal to furnish handwriting exem-plars or to cooperate with the grand jury in any way. Indeed, two of the nation's leading attorneys, persons with no sympathy for her political views, have described Bernardine Dohrn as a person having "a view of the law and a view of life and her rights and obligations that is myopic, convoluted, unrealistic, childish, and inexplicable." They have also concluded that "Bernardine Dohrn [**4] is intractable in her views and beliefs to the point of fanaticism [and] may well perceive herself as a second Joan of Arc[,] now suffering an ordeal that must be en-dured for the causes she believes in, whatever they might be." 4 She now moves to vacate the contempt order because there is no probability that further incarceration will compel her coop-eration.


3 Dohrn was, however, granted a two-day furlough to get married.

4 Affidavit of Don H. Reuben of Chicago, concurred in by the Honorable Harold R. Tyler, Jr.
It should also be noted that, immediately following Dohrn's imprisonment, a letter writing campaign on her behalf was apparently launched, and this Court received scores of letters from people who share Dohrn's political beliefs, condemning her incarceration and claiming that it was for purposes of political persecution. (The pattern of all the letters indicated that the contents had been sug-gested by a form letter.) This Court notes, however, that it sees no indication whatever that Dohrn is being held as a political prisoner or persecuted in any way.
More recently, the Court has received many letters from attorneys, predominantly those associated with liberal causes, who have proclaimed that Dohrn will never coop-erate with the grand jury and, consequently, her incarcera-tion is serving no compulsive purpose and has become punitive in nature. These attorneys have concluded, with-out having heard the other side of the case, that Dohrn has no meaningful information and that her refusal to give the handwriting exemplars is simply a matter of principle. It has been this Court's experience that most of those who claim that their refusal to comply with grand jury demands is a "matter of principle" are usually co-conspirators at-tempting to conceal their own criminal involvement.

[**5] At the outset, two points should be made. First, [HN1] a contemnor's self-serving statement that he or she will not co-operate should not, by itself, be considered by courts in deter-mining whether to impose or continue to enforce an order of civil contempt. If it were, very few persons could ever be com-pelled to testify or cooperate. See United States v. Dien, 598 F.2d 743, 745 (2d Cir.1979). Second, [HN2] except in unusual circumstances, courts should not conclude "that, as a matter cognizable under due process, confinement for civil contempt that has not yet reached the eighteen-month limit [of 28 U.S.C. § 1826] has nonetheless lost its coercive impact and become punitive." In re Grand Jury Investigation (Braun), 600 F.2d 420, 427 (3d Cir.1979) (footnote omitted).
[*181] Be that as it may, [HN3] the Court still retains the power to release a recalcitrant witness whenever it concludes that further incarceration will not cause the witness to testify. See In re Grand Jury Investigation (Braun), supra, 600 F.2d at 428; Hearings on H.R. 94, 95th Cong., 1st Sess. 713 n. 1 (1977) (statement of Benjamin Civiletti, Ass't Attorney General); id. at 742-43 (testimony of Benjamin [**6] Civiletti, Ass't Attorney General); cf. Soobzokov v. CBS, Inc., 642 F.2d 28, 31 (2d Cir.1981) ("When it becomes obvious that sanctions are not go-ing to compel compliance, they lose their remedial characteris-tics and take on more of the nature of punishment.). Moreover, the court retains the ability to determine the length of incarcera-tion in light of, not only the apparent lack of effect of incarcera-tion, but also the surrounding circumstances and the need for the witness's evidence. In re Cueto, 443 F. Supp. 857, 864 (S.D.N.Y. 1978).
This is a case in which the Court is inclined to exercise its power to release a recalcitrant witness. First, it has become in-creasingly clear to this Court that Dohrn's recalcitrance will continue and that further incarceration will not compel her to cooperate. Second, the importance of Dohrn's handwriting ex-emplars has diminished over time. Despite Dohrn's recalci-trance, the grand jury investigation has proceeded apace, and, as noted above, a number of indictments have been returned. (Dohrn, however, has not been indicted and has not even been named as a coconspirator in the existing indictments.) More-over, according to a newspaper article [**7] in late November 1982, one of the major participants in the Inwood robbery has agreed to cooperate with the Government in its investigation. Third, to the extent that the Government needs samples of Dohrn's handwriting, it already has such samples at its dis-posal. The Court has recently learned that the FBI has had, for a number of years, enough of Dohrn's handwriting to make a comparison with a questioned document and did so at an earlier time. In addition, Dohrn has written letters to the Court and has filed petitions with the Warden of the MCC concerning prison conditions.
Nevertheless, the Government does not concede that the hand-writing samples at its disposal are adequate. Although it ac-knowledges that, by comparing the current writings with the earlier documents in its possession, it can conclude that Dohrn signed these documents, it does not acknowledge that it can es-tablish that the body of each document was written by Dohrn. This position is tenuous, however, because one need not be a handwriting analyst to observe that the handwriting in the let-ters is very similar to the signatures.
The Government also argues that neither the known exemplars nor the current specimens [**8] are sufficiently comparable to the questioned specimens to permit a judgment as to whether Dohrn wrote the questioned specimens. What it wants is for her to write the identical words or names that are on the questioned documents. This argument is also questionable. While a prac-ticing lawyer, I had substantial experience with questioned documents. It is reasonably easy to determine whether a signa-ture is a forgery if adequate specimens are presented. On the other hand, if all that is involved is a signature, it is extremely difficult to determine who wrote the forged signature. Indeed, if the person writing the signature attempted to imitate the hand-writing of the person whose signature is being forged, it be-comes impossible. Moreover, if a person who forged a signa-ture is requested to write a few words, particularly a name, in a certain manner and if that person recalls the manner in which he previously wrote the signature, he can very easily change sig-nificantly the manner in which the exemplar is delivered. 5 Spontaneous writings such as those presently in the possession of the Court and the [*182] Government provide a much more accurate basis for identifying the handwriting [**9] of the sub-ject. Nevertheless, the Government continues to insist upon having Dohrn execute specific exemplars, and Dohrn contin-ues to resist. This leaves the Court between the immovable ob-ject and the irresistible force, an unpleasant place to be.


5 Dohrn's counsel knows the name on the forged applica-tion and the prosecution believes that an attempt was made by the forger to conceal the writer's natural hand-writing. In this situation, the value of the demanded ex-emplars is highly questionable even if Dohrn was the forger.

The Court does not believe that Judge Edelstein's recent opinion concerning Eve Rosahn, In re Eve Rosahn, 551 F. Supp. 505 (S.D.N.Y.1982), compels a conclusion different from the one reached here. Rosahn is another person held in contempt be-cause she failed to comply with a court order directing her to provide the same grand jury with photographs, fingerprints, handwriting exemplars, and hair samples. After nine months in jail, she moved to vacate the contempt order, arguing that she [**10] was being persecuted as a political activist and that there was no purpose in confining her because her continued refusal to cooperate after nine months in jail substantiated her prior assertions that she would never cooperate with the grand jury. 6 (Like Dohrn, see supra note 4, she too submitted nu-merous testimonials to her adamancy.)


6 These arguments were previously made and rejected by Judge Edelstein and the Court of Appeals.

Judge Edelstein granted the motion in part and denied it in part. He vacated that part of the order requiring Rosahn to submit to fingerprinting because the Government already had in its pos-session major case fingerprints of Rosahn. Id., at 508-509. He noted that "as the grounds for contempt narrow, this court be-comes concerned. To hold a contemnor, who is currently not charged with any crime, in jail for eighteen months for her re-fusal to supply items already in the government's possession would be a travesty of justice." Id., at 509 (footnotes omitted). 7 Judge [**11] Edelstein, however, refused to vacate that part of the order concerning the hair and handwriting samples. He rea-soned that Rosahn

is closely connected with the criminal activity -- her car was used in the [Brinks] robbery, and there is evidence that she rented a van that was also used. She has indicated her support for the criminal activity being investigated. Hair samples and written materials related to the criminal activities being investigated are as yet unidentified, but suspected to belong to Rosahn, so the subpoenaed items are directly relevant and important. Finally, samples of Rosahn's hair and handwriting samples can be obtained from no source other than Rosahn herself. Thus this court finds no basis for exercising its discretion to order Rosahn's release.

Id., at 508 (footnote omitted).


7 According to Judge Edelstein,

This [was] the second error of this sort that the gov-ernment has made in this case. At the grand jury the government maintained that it had no photograph of Rosahn, but conceded in argument before the court of appeals that it did. The court accordingly vacated that part of the contempt order requiring Rosahn to submit to photographing.

Id., at 509. Consequently, he also ordered the Government to search their files for the other subpoenaed items. Id., at 509.

[**12] This Court agrees completely with the result reached by Judge Edelstein. Any difference in the conclusion reached by this Court results solely from factual differences between the cases. For example, in Rosahn's case, her direct connection with the criminal activity was more clearly established, the im-portance of the evidence to the grand jury appeared greater, and the Government did not have the hair and handwriting samples in its possession. Moreover, the Court believes that the reasons for reaching the result in this case are virtually identical to the reasons Judge Edelstein vacated that part of his order requiring Rosahn to submit to fingerprinting. As noted above, the Gov-ernment now possesses a number of spontaneous exemplars of Dohrn's handwriting. The need for the additional exemplars has not been demonstrated, and the value of the additional ex-emplars is extremely questionable. In light of the contemnor's attitude, this Court runs the risk of imprisoning her for eighteen months for no discernible purpose, other than to justify her de-sire to be a martyr [*183] and the Government's insistence that she comply.
In sum, factors such as the likely failure of further [**13] in-carceration to compel Dohrn's cooperation, the diminished im-portance of Dohrn's handwriting exemplars, and the availabil-ity of spontaneous exemplars of Dohrn's handwriting, when taken together, lead this Court to the conclusion that its order of contempt should be modified. Thus, the order of contempt is modified to direct Dohrn's release from jail at this time. 8


8 Dohrn was furloughed shortly before Christmas because the Court thought that this opinion would take some time to prepare and because it seemed likely that it would reach the decision rendered today.

SO ORDERED.






44 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Associated Press

January 5, 1983, Wednesday, PM cycle

Judge Frees Radical Who Was Jailed for Grand Jury Refusal

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 194 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

A federal judge has freed political radical Bernardine Dohrn, who was jailed seven months ago for refusing to coop-erate with a grand jury investigating a 1981 Brink's armored car robbery.
U.S. District Judge Gerard L. Goettel said late Tuesday that Miss Dohrn need not return to the federal jail in Manhattan from a Christmas holiday furlough she was granted Dec. 23.
Miss Dohrn, a former member of the Weather Under-ground, was one of several material witnesses subpoenaed by the federal grand jury investigating the robbery in which two Nyack policemen and a guard were killed.
After refusing to cooperate with a demand for samples of her handwriting, Miss Dohrn was taken before Goettel, cited for contempt and jailed on May 19.
Miss Dohrn could have been kept jailed until the grand jury's term of office expired, a maximum of 18 months.
However, Goettel decided to grant Miss Dohrn's motion for earlier release on grounds that federal prosecutors had other ways to obtain samples of her handwriting and it was unlikely she would agree to cooperate.
Federal prosecutors had argued that the only available handwriting samples were 10 years old.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1983 Associated Press
All Rights Reserved






45 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Associated Press

January 5, 1983, Wednesday, AM cycle

People in the News

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 176 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

Political radical Bernardine Dohrn is free after seven months in jail for refusing to cooperate with a grand jury inves-tigating a 1981 Brink's armored car robbery.
U.S. District Judge Gerard L. Goettel said Tuesday that Miss Dohrn does not have to return to the federal jail in Manhattan from a Christmas holiday furlough she was granted Dec. 23.
Miss Dohrn, a former member of the Weather Under-ground, was one of several witnesses subpoenaed by the federal grand jury investigating the robbery in which two Nyack po-licemen and a guard were killed.
After refusing to give samples of her handwriting, Miss Dohrn was taken before Goettel, cited for contempt and jailed on May 19.
Miss Dohrn could have been held in jail for 18 months until the grand jury term expired.
Goettel said he decided to grant Miss Dohrn's motion for early release because federal prosecutors had other ways to get samples of her handwriting and it was unlikely she would co-operate.
Federal prosecutors say her only available handwriting sam-ples were 10 years old.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

GRAPHIC: Laserphoto NY40

Copyright 1983 Associated Press
All Rights Reserved






46 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The New York Times

January 6, 1983, Thursday, Late City Final Edition

THE CITY;
Bernardine Dohrn Freed by Judge

BYLINE: By The Associated Press

SECTION: Section B; Page 3, Column 5; Metropolitan Desk

LENGTH: 171 words

A Federal judge has freed Bernardine Dohrn, who was jailed seven months ago for refusing to cooperate with a Federal grand jury investigating the 1981 Brink's armored-car robbery in Rockland County.
The judge, Gerard L. Goettel of District Court, said late Tuesday that Miss Dohrn did not have to return to the Federal jail in Manhattan from a Christmas furlough she was given Dec. 23. Miss Dohrn, a former member of the Weather Under-ground, was one of several uncooperative witnesses subpoe-naed by the Federal grand jury probing the aborted robbery in which two Nyack police officers and a guard were killed.
After refusing to cooperate with a demand for samples of her handwriting, Miss Dohrn was cited for contempt and jailed on May 19. She could have been jailed until the grand jury's term expired, a maximum of 18 months.
However, Judge Goettel decided to grant a release on the ground that prosecutors had other ways to obtain samples of her handwriting and that it was unlikely she would agree to cooper-ate.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1983 The New York Times Company






47 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Associated Press

February 5, 1983, Saturday, AM cycle

BYLINE: By EILEEN PUTMAN, Associate Press Writer

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 1419 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

Bernardine Dohrn, a former Weather Underground leader who just spent seven months in federal prison for defying a grand jury, cites her own freedom as a flaw in the system she has fought so long.
She says her white skin got her out. Eight others who balked, mostly black women, remain behind bars.
"You can't look at the situation and not say that racism isn't a significant reason why they're still in," the 41-year-old former fugitive told The Associated Press in her first interview since her release late last year.
To Assistant U.S. Attorney Robert Litt, there is a different reason why Ms. Dohrn is free _ the imposing credentials of the attorneys hired by her influential father-in-law.
She calls them "fancy, ruling class lawyers" and takes issue with their characterization of her as a "Joan of Arc."
To Robert Boyle, an attorney working to free the other grand jury resisters, Ms. Dohrn "was everyone's favorite fugitive for all those years" _ someone who has consistently received pref-erential treatment from a system she denounces.
The woman who spent 11 years on the run _ including four on the FBI's "Most Wanted" list as an alleged conspirator in ri-ots and bombings in the late '60s and early '70s _ agreed re-cently to speak to the AP.
Now married and working as a legal assistant, she talked over lunch at the Algonquin Hotel, a literati haven she recalled visiting with her mother years ago in hopes of seeing someone famous.
She kept questions about her Weatherman days and personal life off limits. Her hazel eyes narrowed sharply when those ground rules were breached with a question about whether the underground years were worth it.
"I really don't want to give a glib answer. ... I'm not sorry for the broad choices I made," she said finally.
Spared a prison term for her part in the "Days of Rage" demonstrations in Chicago in 1969, Ms. Dohrn was jailed here last May on civil contempt charges for refusing to give hand-writing samples to a federal grand jury.
The panel is investigating a possible terrorist conspiracy in several robberies, including the 1981 holdup of a Brink's truck in Nanuet, N.Y., in which two police officers and a Brink's guard were killed.
She refused to cooperate, she said, because "there was no other choice" _ she had to live up to her radical principles so she could look her two young sons in the eye.
"You can't betray everything you've ever lived in all your life," she said fiercely, tossing her dark, shoulder-length hair back from her face.
While in jail she changed her mind about one principle, her long-standing opposition to marriage, although she wouldn't say why. Last October, she took a weekend furlough to wed Wil-liam Ayers, her longtime companion and the boys' father.
That is one pragmatic concession in her life since the '60s when she was a proponent of the radical "smash monogamy" movement that discouraged sexual fidelity to one person on grounds it hampered loyalty to the group.
The matter of her freedom is another.
Helping her case, apparently not at her behest, were two lawyers hired by her father-in-law, Thomas G. Ayers, former chairman of Chicago's Commonwealth Edison.
The lawyers, Harold R. Tyler Jr. and Don H. Reuben, won her release by citing a case in which a resister was freed after a judge decided further jail time would not force his cooperation. They argued that Ms. Dohrn saw herself as a Joan of Arc figure who wouldn't cooperate "if they burned her at the stake." U.S. District Judge Gerard Goettel agreed.
Calling Reuben and Tyler "two of the best known and most outstanding attorneys in the United States," Goettel on Jan. 4 said Ms. Dohrn need not return to prison from her December furlough.
But the other grand jury resisters' bids for freedom have been rejected. They, too, had affidavits from attorneys, but, noted prosecutor Litt, "they didn't come from Harold Tyler."
"Bernardine Dohrn is a somewhat more privileged person than the rest of them by her background and family and so on," Litt said. "She benefitted by that in terms of impressing the judge."
Tyler, a former federal judge in the district Goettel serves and a former deputy U.S. attorney general, said Ms. Dohrn got no special treatment because of him.
"It so happens that Ms. Dohrn is married to a young man who is the son of a family in Chicago of some reputation," he said. "They have children. The grandparents were concerned, which I can't blame them for."
He said he and Reuben tried to get her to cooperate but "got nowhere."
"I did talk to the U.S. attorney himself and his staff ... but if that's special treatment, holy gosh!" said Tyler.
Ms. Dohrn acknowledged her luck in avoiding jail in the past. That's one reason, she said, the government was using the Brink's probe to get black and white radicals of the past.
"In my particular case, I feel there is no way to avoid the fact that there are some elements of historical retribution in-volved," she said.
As a fugitive, Ms. Dohrn was the Weather spokeswoman whose 1970 "Declaration of War" on the government was fol-lowed by bombings for which the organization took responsi-bility.
A decade later, the FBI quietly ended its pursuit of the Mil-waukee native. Riot and conspiracy charges were dropped. In 1980, Ms. Dorhn surfaced after having spent her last fugitive years unnoticed as a waitress in a Manhattan restaurant.
She pleaded guilty to charges stemming from the Chicago demonstrations and was fined and put on three years' probation.
"I ... ended up _ a lot because of privilege and time going by and luck _ not going to jail," she said, choosing her words care-fully. "We always said when we made the decision to turn our-selves in that the easiest way for them to get me was the grand jury."
The present grand jury is investigating the $1.6 million Brink's heist in which Weather Underground and Black Lib-eration Army figures are charged. Among them is Kathy Boudin, whose 2 1/2 -year-old son Chesa is being cared for by Ms. Dohrn and Ayers.
Ms. Dohrn and the other resisters have refused to give handwriting samples or otherwise cooperate with the grand jury in its efforts to determine whether they are linked to that and other crimes.
The FBI says one of the resisters sheltered two fleeing rob-bers after the holdup. Another's car was used in the heist. But, like Ms. Dohrn, they have not been charged with a crime. Some have been in jail for as long as 13 months.
The FBI has suggested that while working as a clerk in a Broadway clothing store, Ms. Dohrn copied information from a customer's driver's license to get a duplicate license for rental of a station wagon for another holdup.
She denies that charge as well as the government's claim that she met with two fugitive Brink's suspects.
"They made outrageous claims about my participation. None of it was true," she said. "But they didn't have to prove it, of course. Theoretically it's up to us to disprove it. It's the whole system in reverse."
In his decision freeing her, Goettel noted that the govern-ment now suggests Ms. Dohrn may have been merely "an un-witting facilitator of the criminal activity."
Prosecutor Litt won't go that far. "We have said at the very least she was an unwilling abettor and she may have been in-volved," he said. "But without the handwriting exemplars (sam-ples), we couldn't tell."
"They have bushels of my handwriting," Ms. Dohrn re-sponded with a wry smile. She cited tax forms, letters she wrote the judge complaining about conditions in prison and samples seized during her activist days.
Authorities say they don't have enough recent samples. As for Miss Dohrn's assertions the government was out to get radicals and dissidents, U.S. Attorney John S. Martin Jr. said, "They've made those arguments in court and they have been consistently rejected."
After coffee in the Algonquin's Rose Room, Ms. Dohrn prepared to return to her job in a Manhattan law office. A 1967 graduate of the University of Chicago Law School, she said she was thinking of taking the bar exam.
There was in her trousers, tweed blazer and plaid scarf a cer-tain lawyer-like chic. When she spoke vigorously, as she did about the grand jury, her long, fan-shaped earrings bobbed up and down.
Later, sitting at her desk covered with law books, she was asked about Reuben and Tyler's statement that she "may well perceive herself as a second Joan of Arc." There was a short, slightly embarrassed laugh.
"I don't feel like a martyr," she said quietly.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

GRAPHIC: Laserphoto NY58 of Feb 4

Copyright 1983 Associated Press
All Rights Reserved






48 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Associated Press

February 6, 1983, Sunday, BC cycle

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 671 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

[TEXT OMITTED FROM SOURCE]
"got nowhere."
"I did talk to the U.S. attorney himself and his staff ... but if that's special treatment, holy gosh!" said Tyler.
Ms. Dohrn acknowledged her luck in avoiding jail in the past. That's one reason, she said, the government was using the Brink's probe to get black and white radicals of the past.
"In my particular case, I feel there is no way to avoid the fact that there are some elements of historical retribution in-volved," she said.
As a fugitive, Ms. Dohrn was the Weather spokeswoman whose 1970 "Declaration of War" on the government was fol-lowed by bombings for which the organization took responsi-bility.
A decade later, the FBI quietly ended its pursuit of the Mil-waukee native. Riot and conspiracy charges were dropped. In 1980, Ms. Dorhn surfaced after having spent her last fugitive years unnoticed as a waitress in a Manhattan restaurant.
She pleaded guilty to charges stemming from the Chicago demonstrations and was fined and put on three years' probation.
"I ... ended up _ a lot because of privilege and time going by and luck _ not going to jail," she said, choosing her words care-fully. "We always said when we made the decision to turn our-selves in that the easiest way for them to get me was the grand jury."
The present grand jury is investigating the $1.6 million Brink's heist in which Weather Underground and Black Lib-eration Army figures are charged. Among them is Kathy Boudin, whose 2 1/2 -year-old son Chesa is being cared for by Ms. Dohrn and Ayers.
Ms. Dohrn and the other resisters have refused to give handwriting samples or otherwise cooperate with the grand jury in its efforts to determine whether they are linked to that and other crimes.
The FBI says one of the resisters sheltered two fleeing rob-bers after the holdup. Another's car was used in the heist. But, like Ms. Dohrn, they have not been charged with a crime. Some have been in jail for as long as 13 months.
The FBI has suggested that while working as a clerk in a Broadway clothing store, Ms. Dohrn copied information from a customer's driver's license to get a duplicate license for rental of a station wagon for another holdup.
She denies that charge as well as the government's claim that she met with two fugitive Brink's suspects.
"They made outrageous claims about my participation. None of it was true," she said. "But they didn't have to prove it, of course. Theoretically it's up to us to disprove it. It's the whole system in reverse."
In his decision freeing her, Goettel noted that the govern-ment now suggests Ms. Dohrn may have been merely "an un-witting facilitator of the criminal activity."
Prosecutor Litt won't go that far. "We have said at the very least she was an unwilling abettor and she may have been in-volved," he said. "But without the handwriting exemplars (sam-ples), we couldn't tell."
"They have bushels of my handwriting," Ms. Dohrn re-sponded with a wry smile. She cited tax forms, letters she wrote the judge complaining about conditions in prison and samples seized during her activist days.
Authorities say they don't have enough recent samples. As for Miss Dohrn's assertions the government was out to get radicals and dissidents, U.S. Attorney John S. Martin Jr. said, "They've made those arguments in court and they have been consistently rejected."
After coffee in the Algonquin's Rose Room, Ms. Dohrn prepared to return to her job in a Manhattan law office. A 1967 graduate of the University of Chicago Law School, she said she was thinking of taking the bar exam.
There was in her trousers, tweed blazer and plaid scarf a cer-tain lawyer-like chic. When she spoke vigorously, as she did about the grand jury, her long, fan-shaped earrings bobbed up and down.
Later, sitting at her desk covered with law books, she was asked about Reuben and Tyler's statement that she "may well perceive herself as a second Joan of Arc." There was a short, slightly embarrassed laugh.
"I don't feel like a martyr," she said quietly.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1983 Associated Press
All Rights Reserved






49 of 74 DOCUMENTS

In the Matter of SHAHEEM MALIK JABBAR, a/k/a "John Crenshaw", Civil Contemnor

No. M-11-188

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK

560 F. Supp. 186; 1983 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 18702


March 9, 1983

CASE SUMMARY:


PROCEDURAL POSTURE: Movant witness filed a request to be relieved from a finding of civil contempt after he failed to testify before a grand jury.

OVERVIEW: The witness was called to testify before a grand jury. The underlying crime involved the armed robbery of an armored truck. The witness refused to testify. As a result, the witness was held in civil contempt. The witness filed a motion for an order relieving him from the finding of civil contempt and directing his release from custody. The court denied the motion. The court rejected the witness's argument that keeping him in custody was punitive because he would never cooperate with the grand jury investigation. The court also concluded that the witness had no standing to assert that the grand jury proce-dures were being used illegally to conduct discovery or prepare a pending indictment for trial.

OUTCOME: The court denied the motion.

CORE TERMS: grand jury, grand jury, civil contempt, exem-plars, contemnor, accessories, punitive, urges, imprisonment, handwriting, cooperate, vacated, movant

LexisNexis(R) Headnotes

Civil Procedure > Justiciability > Standing > General Over-view
Criminal Law & Procedure > Grand Juries > Procedures > Return of Indictments > General Overview
Criminal Law & Procedure > Accusatory Instruments > In-dictments > General Overview
[HN1] A grand jury witness has no standing to assert that grand jury procedures are being used illegally to conduct discovery or prepare a pending indictment for trial.

COUNSEL: [**1] Jane Parver, Ass't. U.S. Attorney, for Gov-ernment.

Susan Tipograph.

JUDGES: Brieant, J.

OPINION BY: BRIEANT

OPINION
[*187] MEMORANDUM AND ORDER
Brieant, J.
Mr. Shaheem Jabbar, a grand jury witness now being held in civil contempt for refusal to testify, moves for an order reliev-ing him from the finding of civil contempt, and directing his re-lease forthwith from the custody of the United States Marshal for the Southern District of New York.
For the reasons set forth and analyzed fully in our Memoran-dum and Order In re Rene Thornton, a/k/a "Asha", Civil Con-temnor, 560 F. Supp. 183, dated March 9, 1983, familiarity with which is assumed, the contemnor's motion is denied in all respects, and the Order of this Court dated June 2, 1982 is con-tinued in full force and effect.
Mr. Jabbar, together with Ms. Thornton and others said to num-ber a total of nine recalcitrant witnesses, have adopted what movant describes as "a movement of non-collaboration" with grand jury investigations. In support of his motion for early discharge, Mr. Jabbar urges (Affirmation of Susan V. Tipog-raph, Esq., docketed February 28, 1983, para. 21) that "since the sole intent of incarceration pursuant to an adjudication [**2] of civil contempt is to 'coerce' a witness to cooperate, if the per-son will not be coerced the imprisonment is punitive and must be vacated." Mr. Jabbar now represents that he "will never co-operate with this grand jury investigation."
This contention is rejected here for essentially the same reasons that this Court rejected the same contention in Matter of Rene Thornton, supra, decided March 9, 1983. There is no factual or legal distinction between that case and this. Accordingly, repe-tition of the analysis therein contained would add nothing.
In addition to the "punitive" argument, this contemnor also urges other points. He says, first, that the grand jury procedures are being used illegally "to conduct discovery or prepare a pending indictment for trial." [HN1] A grand jury witness has no standing to assert this contention. Matter of Fula, 672 F.2d 279, 283 (2d Cir. 1982); In re Grand Jury Proceedings Involv-ing Eva Rosahn, 671 F.2d 690, 695 (2d Cir. 1982). Further-more, this Court sees no reason to reject the representation of the Government that the underlying crime, which is the October 20, 1981 armed robbery of a Brinks armored truck in Rockland County, New York, has [**3] not yet been fully investigated, and that all participants and accessories are not known or in-dicted. So long as it is reasonably possible that accessories, co-conspirators, aiders and abetters or other participants remain unindicted, the exercise by the grand jury of its traditional pow-ers may not be inhibited by this Court at the instance of a wit-ness.
Secondly, counsel for movant, at oral argument, challenged an apparent disparity between the case of Mr. Jabbar and that of Bernardine Dohrn, another grand jury witness in the same in-vestigation, whose commitment for civil contempt was vacated after seven months of recalcitrance while confined. See In the Matter of the Subpoena Served Upon Bernardine Dohrn, 560 F. supp. 179 (S.D.N.Y. January 4, 1983). She argued that the only difference between her client's case and that of Dohrn is that Dohrn was able to obtain supportive affidavits from "two of the nation's leading attorneys" (at p. 180), identified by name in a footnote, while Mr. Jabbar is unable to obtain such establish-ment support in justification for his own intransigeance. This Court rejects that analysis. Assuming for the argument that Dohrn was correctly decided, [**4] the decision is readily dis-tinguishable on other factual grounds.
Dohrn was subject only to a direction to give handwriting ex-emplars to the grand jury. During her confinement it appeared that the grand jury in fact had adequate handwriting exemplars, augmented by letters written to the Court and petitions filed with the Warden, at 181. The court [*188] found in its discre-tion that "the value of the additional exemplars [sought] is ex-tremely questionable" and that further imprisonment would be "for no discernible purpose, other than to justify her desire to be a martyr 1 and the Government's insistence that she comply."


1 The eminent attorneys contended that Dohrn "is intrac-table in her views and beliefs to the point of fanaticism [and] may well perceive herself as a second Joan of Arc." (At 180). While Saint Jeanne was canonized for what she did, probably most modern philosophers regard her as de-ranged.

The motion is denied.
So Ordered.






50 of 74 DOCUMENTS


The Globe and Mail (Canada)

September 1, 1983 Thursday

Pair want to wed behind bars

BYLINE: REUT

LENGTH: 224 words

DATELINE: GOSHEN, N.Y.,

GOSHEN, N.Y., (Reuter) - Although both are well-educated and she is from
a prominent family, it is not going to be the usual wedding where the
groom asks the bride's father for his daughter's hand and her family finds
a caterer.
In this case, Orange County sheriff Roger Phillips has to ap-prove, and
the wedding will probably be in the jail here.
Self-proclaimed revolutionaries Kathy Boudin, 40, and David Gilbert,
38, the father of her three-year-old son, have asked permission to wed and
have taken the obligatory blood test without waiting for ap-proval.
Sheriff Phillips said he will decide within the next two weeks whether
the couple - who are charged with murder, robbery and assault in the
aborted 1981 robbery of a Brinks' armored truck in Nanuet, N.Y. -may
marry.
'I'm not sure I'm going to act favorably on it,' he said.
Both Mr. Gilbert and Miss Boudin, a former leader of the Weather
Underground group, have been in prison since October 1981 when they were
arrested following the Brinks robbery.
Gilbert is now on trial for allegedly taking part in the rob-bery that
left two policemen and a Brinks guard dead.
Last fall Bernadine Dohrn obtained a brief furlough from prison to
marry William Ayres, father of her two children. At the time she was in
prison for refusing to co-operate with a grand jury investigat-ing the
Brinks robbery.

LOAD-DATE: January 24, 2007

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

PUBLICATION-TYPE: Newspaper


Copyright 1983 Bell Globemedia Publishing Inc. and its licen-sors
All Rights Reserved






51 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The New York Times

September 25, 1983, Sunday, Late City Final Edi-tion

STATUS OF MAJOR FIGURES IN THE BRINK'S CASES

SECTION: Section 1; Part 2; Page 50, Column 3; Metropolitan Desk

LENGTH: 896 words

Kuwesl Balagoon - Also known as Donald Weems. Con-victed Sept. 14 in the state case on three counts of first-degree armed robbery. Identified in testimony as one of at least five gunmen wh jumped from a rented truck and shot at police near the roadblock.. After the shooting, he commandeered a car and escaped. His palm print was found on the tag of a stolen Brink's money bag containing $361,000. He had earlier ex-caped from New Jersey prison and still must serve a sentence for armed robbery and attempted murder there.
Sylvia Pia Baraldlni-Found guilty of conspriacy and racket-eering charges on Sept. 3 in the Federal case, which includes the Nanuet holdup and several other armored-car robberies as well as the 1979 prison escape of Joanne Chesimard. Faces up to 40 years at sentencing next month.
Cynthia Boston-Also known as Fulani Sunni-Ali. Married to Bilal Sunni-Ali, also known as William Johnson. Jailed for civil contempt after refusing to cooperate with a Federal grand jury. Has not been charged.
Kathy Boudln-Her case on the state charges was severed from the others, with trial set for Oct. 12 in Goshen. She was stopped by an off-duty New York City corrections officer while running from the roadblock at the time of the shootout, in which the policemen were killed. Hours after David Gilbert was convicted in the state case, he and Miss Boudin were married. They have a son, Chesa, 3 years old.
Samuel Brown - His case on the state charges was also sev-ered and he is scheduled to go on trial with Miss Boudin Oct. 12. A detective testifying at the state trial identified him as the person who fatally shot one of the policeman at the roadblock. A bank teller at the Nanuet National Bank, where the Brink's truck was robbed, testified that he was at the scene moments before the robbery.
Marilyn Jean Buck-Still being sought on Federal charges of bank robbery. She also faces state Brink's charges of murder and robbery. Escaped in a white Oldsmobile while three others, riding behind her in a tan Honda, were captured at the road-block in Nyack. Her car was found a few days later in Pelham, N.Y., splattered with blood. Authorities believe she accidentally shot herself in a leg.
Judith A. Clark-Convicted in the state case of murder and robbery charges. Captured after a getaway car crashed during a police chase in Nyack.
Cheri Laverne Dalton-Still being sought by state and Federal authorities for questioning in the Rockland case.
Bernardine Dhrn-A former member of the Weather Under-ground. Refused to cooperate with a Federal grand jury. Jailed briefly for contempt Married to William C. Ayers, another Weather Underground member.
Cecillo Rodrigo Ferguson-Convicted in the Federal trial as accessory after the fact for helping the suspects escape the scene. Faces up to 12 1/2 years in prison.
David Joesph Gilbert-Convicted in the state case on three counts of second-degree murder and-four counts of first-degree robbery. Witnesses testified that he rented the truck that was in-volved in the getaway. When captured, he was wearing clothing containing glass from the windshield of the Brink's truck. F.B.I. agents testified that he was within 12 feet of that wind-shield when it was shot out by a shotgun. Married Miss Boudin shortly after his conviction.
Edward L. Joseph-Convicted in the Federal trial of being an accessory after the fact for helping the others escape the scene. Faces 12 1/2 years in prison.
Anthony N. LaBorde-State charges were dismissed after a witness failed to pick him out of a line-up. On train in Queens in an unrelated case involving the slaying of a policeman.
Sekou Odlnga-Also known as Nathanial Burns. Convicted in Federal case on one count of conspiracy and one of racketeer-ing. Each charge carries a maximum sentence of 20 years. Charges pending in Rockland County. The only witness called by the defense at the state trial. Also faces charges of attempted murder in Queens stemming from a 1981 shootout with the po-lice when he was captured near Shea Stadium three days after the Brink's robbery in Rockland.
Eve Rosahn-The owner of the tan Honda used as a getaway car. Held briefly on contempt charges. State charges of criminal facilitation were dropped.
Tyrone Rison-Pleaded guilty to an unrelated bank robbery charge in Georgia and was sentenced to 12 years in prison. Transferred to Federal custody, pleaded guilty to conspiracy and racketeeting charges in the Federal case. After agreeing to testify for the prosecution, he was allowed to serve the Georgia sentence in a Federal facility. Faces sentencing in the Federal case.
Illana Robinson-Acquitted of all charges in the Federal case. Charged as an accessory after the fact for helping Mr. Ferguson escape and for treating Marilyn Buck's leg wound.
Susan Rosenberg-Still being sought on Federal charges of bank robber and conspiracy.
Mutulu Shakur-Also known as Jeral Wayne Williams. Still being sought on Federal charges of racketeering, conspiracy and armed robbery. Suspected of aiding Miss Chesimard in her prison escape. On the F.B.I.'s list of 10 most-wanted criminals.
Samuel Smith-Killed in the shootout with the police near Shea Stadium in 1981.
Bllal Sunni-Ali-Also known as William Johnson. Acquitted of all charges in the Federal trial. Married to Cynthia Boston.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

GRAPHIC: photos of Kathy Boudin, Judith A. Clark, Berna-dine Dohrn; photos of David Joseph Gilbert, Sekou Odinga

TYPE: list

Copyright 1983 The New York Times Company






52 of 74 DOCUMENTS

In the Matter of FULANI SUNNI-ALI Civil Con-temnor

No. M 11 188 (RLC)

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK

1983 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 12599


October 19, 1983

CASE SUMMARY:


PROCEDURAL POSTURE: Petitioner civil contemnor sought release from custody after six months of incarceration for civil contempt.

OVERVIEW: After the contemnor's husband was arrested in a robbery case, the contemnor was served with a grand jury sub-poena to supply handwriting exemplars and hair samples. When she failed to comply, she was held in civil contempt and incar-cerated. The contemnor claimed that her release was required because her confinement had lost its coercive effect and had be-come punitive. The court ordered the contemnor discharged be-cause, under the circumstances, further incarceration would have been punitive. Courts had broad discretion to determine that a civil contempt sanction had lost its coercive effect before the 18-month maximum period prescribed by Congress. The is-sue was whether the contemnor would bend if she were con-fined longer. The court determined that she would not. The con-temnor had announced that she would never cooperate with the government, and other witnesses had testified to her resolve never to obey the grand jury subpoena. In view of the offense, six months' incarceration was long enough to determine whether coercion would work.

OUTCOME: The court ordered the contemnor discharged from custody.

CORE TERMS: grand jury, civil contempt, contemnor, hand-writing, exemplars, incarceration, furlough, subpoena, confine-ment, coercive effect, contempt, convinced, confined, hair, obey, coercive, cooperate, custody, recalcitrant witness', realis-tic possibility, conscientious, maximum, contempt citation, in-dividualized, incarcerated, discharged, so-called, arrested, de-tained, punitive

LexisNexis(R) Headnotes

Civil Procedure > Sanctions > Contempt > Civil Contempt
Criminal Law & Procedure > Criminal Offenses > Miscella-neous Offenses > Contempt > Penalties
[HN1] Where confinement has lost its coercive effect and has become punitive, incarceration for civil contempt is no longer appropriate. Under such circumstances, the government should be required to proceed against the recalcitrant party by way of criminal contempt.

Civil Procedure > Judicial Officers > Judges > Discretion
Civil Procedure > Sanctions > Contempt > Civil Contempt
Constitutional Law > Bill of Rights > Fundamental Rights > Procedural Due Process > Scope of Protection
[HN2] With respect to recalcitrant witnesses before federal grand juries, Congress has determined that 18 months is the maximum period of confinement for civil contempt. 28 U.S.C.S. § 1826. In the absence of unusual circumstances, a re-viewing court should be reluctant to conclude, as a matter of due process, that a civil contempt sanction has lost its coercive impact at some point prior to the 18-month period prescribed as a maximum by Congress. There remains, nevertheless, a broad discretion in the district courts to determine that a civil con-tempt sanction has lost its coercive effect upon a particular con-temnor at some point short of 18 months.

Civil Procedure > Judicial Officers > General Overview
Civil Procedure > Sanctions > Contempt > Civil Contempt
Constitutional Law > Bill of Rights > Fundamental Rights > Procedural Due Process > Scope of Protection
[HN3] Even if a judge concludes that it is a contemnor's present intention never to testify, that conclusion does not preclude the possibility that continued confinement will cause the witness to change his mind. What is required of the judge is a conscien-tious effort to determine whether there remains a realistic pos-sibility that continued confinement might cause the contemnor to testify. The burden is properly placed on the contemnor to demonstrate that no such realistic possibility exists. As long as the judge is satisfied that the coercive sanction might yet pro-duce its intended result, the confinement may continue. But if the judge is persuaded, after a conscientious consideration of the circumstances pertinent to the individual contemnor, that the contempt power has ceased to have a coercive effect, the civil contempt remedy should be ended.

COUNSEL: [*1] FULANI SUNNI-ALI, 150 Park Row, New York, New York 10007, Pro Se.

LYNNE F. STEWART, ESQ., Legal Adviser, 162 Charles Street, New York, New York.

RUDOLPH W. GIULIANI, United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York, One St. Andrew's Plaza, New York, New York 10007

ROBERT S. LITT, Assistant United States Attorney, Of Coun-sel.

OPINION BY: CARTER

OPINION
OPINION
CARTER, District Judge
Two prior oral determinations have been made in this case. Now, however, a written decision seems best suited to accom-plish the task confronting the court. Therefore, recapitulation of the history of the case is mandated. In 1981, Fulani Sunni-Ali was served with a grand jury subpoena to provide handwrit-ing exemplars and hair samples. The government alleges that that she litigated extensively the validity of the subpoena, and that after all her challenges were rejected, she fled the country rather than comply. Affidavit of Robert Litt, Asst. U.S. Attor-ney. Her exposition of what happened is more lurid. She as-serts that in October, 1981, she was arrested in Gallman, Mis-sissippi by a hundred federal agents and local police, accompa-nied "by tanks, lelicopters and fighter planes." She [*2] alleges that her children were "handcuffed, tied together and detained." She states that she was brought to New York as a suspect, ap-parently in the so-called Brinks robbery, but was released a month later when her alibi, which confirmed that she was not a participant in the robbery, nor on the scene, was verified. Thereafter, the subpoena was issued. Affidavit of Sunni-Ali. From this point on, the government's and-petitioner's version more or less coincide.
After the arrest of her husband in November, 1982, petitioner voluntarily surrendered. At the outset she was detained as a material witness. She remained in that status during November. In December, the government obtained an order from the court requiring petitioner to comply with the grand jury subpoena to supply handwriting exemplars and hair samples. When she re-fused to obey the court's order, she was held in civil contempt and incarcerated.
On or about December 16, 1982, with the consent of the gov-ernment, she was granted a furlough to give birth to her sixth child. The child was born on January 10, 1983. While still on furlough, petitioner moved to have her contempt citation va-cated and to have her furlough [*3] continued to give her suffi-cient time to wean the child. The contempt citation was not va-cated but, in the interest of the health of the child, petitioner's furlough was extended until April 18, 1983. The court made clear that it would grant no further extensions since it was ap-parent that the evolving strategy of petitioner and her counsel was to use the court's concern for the infant's well being as a basis for seeking additional extensions of petitioner's furlough.
On April 14, 1983, an application for further extension was made. When the court refused to entertain the application, the petitioner applied to Judge Knapp, then in Part I. Judge Knapp extended the furlough for three additional weeks, but subse-quent efforts to secure more time failed. She was finally re-manded to jail on May 16, 1983, where she has since been con-fined.
On June 3, 1983, she, along with others, filed a motion seeking release on the ground that extension of the grand jury term was illegal. That motion was referred to Judge Haight and was de-nied on August 10, 1983.
The instant motion was filed on September 6, 1983, before Judge Sweet sitting in Part I, on behalf of petitioner and oth-ers.Relying [*4] on local rules, Judge Sweet referred the vari-ous movants to the judge who had issued the original contempt order in their case. Although instructed shortly after Judge Sweet's determination to file an appropriate motion before the court, petitioner did not file the instant motion until October 7. The government's response was filed on October 12, and a hear-ing was held on October 14.
Petitioner contends that her release is required by Simkin v. United States, No. 83-6185, slip op. at 5591 (2d Cir.), decided August 8, 1983, and at the October 14 hearing petitioner pre-sented testimony designed to demonstrate that under the Simkin yardstick, she should be released.
In that case, the Second Circuit ordered the district court to make individualized determinations of the coercive effect of a recalcitrant witness' continued confinement under civil con-tempt, pointing out that [HN1] where confinement had lost its coercive effect and had become punitive, incarceration for civil contempt was no longer appropriate. Under such circumstances the government should be required to proceed against the recal-citrant party by way of criminal contempt. In Simkin the court stated:
[HN2] With respect to recalcitrant [*5] witnesses before fed-eral grand juries, Congress has determined that eighteen months is the maximum period of confinement for civil contempt. 28 U.S.C. § 1826. We agree with the views of the Third Circuit, expressed by Judge Adams, that in the absence of unusual cir-cumstances, a reviewing court should be reluctant to conclude, as a matter of due process, that a civil contempt sanction has lost its coercive impact at some point prior to the eighteen-month period prescribed as a maximum by Congress. In re Grand Jury Investigation (Braun), 600 F.2d 420, 427 (3d Cir. 1979).
There remains, nevertheless, a broad discretion in the district courts to determine that a civil contempt sanction has lost its coercive effect upon a particular contemnor at some point short of eighteen months. In re Gand Jury Investigation (Braun), su-pra, 600 F.2d at 428; In re Dohrn, 560 F. Supp. 179, 181 (S.D.N.Y. 1983); In re Cueto, 443 F. Supp. 857, 864 (S.D.N.Y. 1978). [Footnote omitted]. The exercise of that discretion con-fronts a district judge with a perplexing task. The judge need not, of course, accept as conclusive a contemnor's avowed in-tention never to testify. United States v. Dien, supra, [*6] 598 F.2d at 745. [HN3] Even if the judge concludes that it is the contemnor's present intention never to testify, that conclusion does not preclude the possibility that continued cnfinement will cause the witness to change his mind. Id. What is required of the judge is a conscientious effort to determine whether there remains a realistic possibility that continued confinement might cause the contemnor to testify. The burden is properly placed on the contemnor to demonstrate that no such realistic possibil-ity exists. As long as the judge is satisfied that the coercive sanction might yet produce its intended result, the confinement may continue. But if the judge is persuaded, after a conscien-tious consideration of the circumstances pertinent to the indi-vidual contemnor, that the contempt power has ceased to have a coercive effect, the civil contempt remedy should be ended.
Simkin v. United States, supra at 5595.
At the October 14 hearing, petitioner acted pro se, except that her own examination as a witness was undertaken by counsel who was assisting her. Petitioner, as a witness, announced her resolve never to cooperate with the government. Eight addi-tional witnesses testified [*7] concerning their belief in peti-tioner's unshakable determination never to obey the grand jury subpoena. Her mother and father based their conviction that fur-ther incarceration would not make petitioner obey the court or-der on petitioner's strength of character and determination, which they contended they had fostered. The other witnesses who had known her over varying periods and had been associ-ated with her in political activities testified as to their certainty of her steadfastness. While some of these witnesses, particu-larly petitioner's mother and father, were impressive, their dec-larations could be discounted for the most part as either self-serving or as insufficiently reliable.
One witness, however, cannot be so readily dismissed. Asha Thornton, like petitioner, was served with a subpoena to pro-vide handwriting exemplars and testify before the grand jury.She refused to do either after being ordered to do so by Judge Brieant and was adjudged in civil contempt. On Septem-ber 27, 1983, because of his conviction that Thornton "is so committed to her anti-establishment rhetoric and so sustained spiritually by the defiance of several others who are in contempt of the same grand [*8] jury and also confined as civil contem-nors who call themselves 'grand jury resisters,' that she is... ready, willing and able to persist in her defiance," Judge Brieant ordered her discharged from custody. In the Matter of Asha Thornton, Civil Contemnor, M-11-188, slip op. at pp. 7-8, un-reported. Thornton had been steadfast in her refusal to comply for a period of some seventeen months.
I am convinced that petitioner's resolve is as strong and deter-mined as Thornton's. As noted, petitioner was released from prison to bear a child. While she and her lawyers made every effort to use the newborn as basis for petitioner's remaining on furlough, when that failed, she went back to jail and remained adamant in her refusal to provide the exemplars and hair sam-ples. The need of the infant for a mother's care was insufficient to break her will to refuse "to cooperate," as she puts it.
Her husband was tried as a principal in the so-called Brinks case. He was recently acquitted and is now free. Still, the fact that she can join him and her children if she obeys the court or-der has not, thus far, lessened petitioner's resolve to remain in prison rather than comply.
Petitioner is [*9] an intelligent and articulate woman. She is convinced that the oppression and exploitation of blacks in this country is such that their only prospect of freedom is in a sepa-rate political entity under black control. She is a member of such a body called, I believe, the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Africa. Petitioner's anti-government pos-ture was fed by the way in which the F.B.I. treated, or she be-lieves they treated, her and her children when she was arrested in 1981. She is, I believe, sincerely and deeply committed to a political philosophy hostile to our government, and is con-vinced that our government is evil and racist. Any form of co-operation with government law enforcement officials is un-thinkable and unacceptable to her. Much of this seems to be mindless raving and ranting to me, and petitioner's decision to stay incarcerated away from family and friends when all she is required to do is given the exemplars and hair samples which she cannot lawfully withhold seems both wasteful and self-defeating. However, that is beside the point--the issue is will she bend if kept longer confined? I think not.
If I could view petitioner's behaviour as individualized [*10] anti-social conduct or as acts personifying a psychotic dysfunc-tion, continued incarceration could still be regarded as an effec-tive coercive force.Petitioner, however, is zealously dedicated and deeply committed to a cause--separatism and self-determination. That cause dedication and commitment feed and support her determination never to cooperate with the govern-ment and, like Thornton, that determination will not bend if she is held ten or twelve months more.
The government cites petitioner's repeated applications to be set free as evidence that further incarceration may be effective. I cannot regard these efforts as anything other than petitioner's and her lawyer's efforts to use the law to beat the system and, indeed, the present motion is another indicia of that effort. There is no indication, if this and succeeding efforts fail, that petitioner will voluntarily supply what the government seeks. Indeed, all evidence up to the present is to the contrary.
Petitioner does not appear to be, herself, a target of the grand jury investigation. While that investigation continues, she does not appear to be central to it. Moreover, petitioner points out that if handwriting exemplars [*11] are what is desired, offi-cials have ample evidence of her handwriting. Indeed, when her husband refused to supply such exemplars, the government found sufficient samples of his handwriting, inadvertently sup-plied while in custody, for use of its experts at his trial. The government's response is that since petitioner now knows that the government might make use of samples of her handwriting on forms in use at the Metropolitan Correction Center where she is confined, she might alter her handwriting. I am not per-suaded. Petitioner has been saying that there were sufficient samples of her writing in the government's possession for ex-pert analysis since she was first brought before me in Decem-ber, 1982. I am not convinced that what was done in her hus-band's case cannot be done in her case if exemplars are what is needed.
Moreover, six months incarceration, in view of the nature of the offense, seems a long enough period to determine whether co-ercion will work. If petitioner were a target of the grand jury or if she could be said to be directly involved in crimes the grand jury is investigating, a lengthier incarceration might be required to test petitioner's resolve. I conclude, [*12] therefore, that further incarceration under current circumstances would be pu-nitive. Petitioner is ordered discharged from custody.
IT IS SO ORDERED.






53 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Washington Post

February 21, 1984, Tuesday, Final Edition

A REVOLUTIONARY;
Kathy Boudin Clings to Radicalism While Facing Trial in Brinks Murders

BYLINE: By Margot Hornblower, Washington Post Staff Writer

SECTION: First Section; A1

LENGTH: 2904 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK, N.Y.

Flashbacks: Kathy Boudin, charging into a Chicago police line, hoisting the Viet Cong flag on a long pole . . . Kathy Boudin, running naked from the scene of an explosion at a Greenwich Village bomb factory, where three of her friends were killed . . . Kathy Boudin, her young face staring from the posters: "Wanted by the FBI--Consider Dangerous" . . . Kathy Boudin, her back to the camera, reading poetry in an under-ground film: "A ballooning breath of anger caged in-side/Carefully choosing the moment of attack."
In the dilapidated Rockland County Jail where she is being held during her trial for murder and robbery, Kathy Boudin, one of the last domestic revolutionaries of the 1960s, offered a hearty handshake and a quick smile.
At 40, she is a small, wiry woman with deep-set blue eyes, chiseled features and dark hair, with a trace of gray, that cas-cades down to her shoulders.
"No one believes I am a dangerous person," Boudin said in a rare interview, arguing that she should be transferred to a more comfortable jail across the Hudson River from here in White Plains, where her trial began a week ago in the Westchester County Courthouse. She insisted on conversing while the radio blared because she suspected the room was bugged.
She accused local officials of drumming up "political hys-teria" with exaggerated security. The Westchester courthouse has been ringed with concrete barricades and its lobby is filled with metal detectors.
Prosecutors said these measures are "reasonable" because Boudin is charged with participating in the violent 1981 armed robbery of $1.6 million from a Brinks armored truck outside the suburban village of Nyack.
Two policemen and a guard were gunned down, and head-lines across the nation revived fears about dangerous revolu-tionary cadres.
Boudin's husband, David J. Gilbert, and her friend, Judith A. Clark, both former members of the radical Weather Under-ground, and Kuwasi Balagoon, a member of the Black Libera-tion Army, were convicted last October of second-degree mur-der in connection with the crime. Boudin, who was a passenger in a U-Haul used to pick up the gunmen and part of the money, is being tried separately with ex-convict Samuel Brown.
New York's felony murder statute holds someone guilty of homicide for participating in a robbery where murder is com-mitted.
Living in a tiny cell here with no light, Boudin said she felt "discriminated against."
"Historically, the government tries to punish people because they are protesting things the government does," she said. "It is an effort to discourage political action. It is part of the same government attitude which seeks to overthrow Nicaragua and prevent the people of El Salvador from choosing their own government."
During a visit by a reporter and a photographer, Boudin was dressed in a purple T-shirt, navy corduroy jeans and loafers. She talked in a deep voice with animated gestures, easy laugh-ter and enthusiasm.
In jail, she said, she has read "The Color Purple" and other novels by Alice Walker, as well as "Sandino's Daughters," a book about women in Nicaragua. She has spent countless hours crocheting, making little presents for her 3-year-old son, Chesa, vests for her friends and a red-and-blue cover for her toilet seat.
Most of all, she said, she has appreciated the company of other female prisoners.
"We talk about each other's problems, whether it's the rela-tionships with their lovers or other problems in their lives," she said. "I talk about things that are important to me--my friend-ships, my child. We do exercises together when I get home from court.
"That's important in terms of our spirits," she said. "There's a sense of solidarity and a recognition that the government can be brutal."
Boudin's lawyers, including her famous father, civil rights attorney Leonard Boudin, advised her not to speak about her role in the robbery, about her years as a fugitive before her ar-rest in 1981, or about her political beliefs, for fear such talk could prejudice the trial.
However, from the tone of her conversation, her letters and poetry from jail, interviews with her family and law enforce-ment officials' accounts, Boudin emerges as a woman whose commitment to radical political change and redistribution of wealth has remained essentially unaltered since, at 17, with her father's encouragement, she visited Havana and marveled at the new revolution of Fidel Castro.
"This is a time when the overall crisis of imperialism is cre-ating the need for the state to come down harder against all Third World people. And to mobilize white people against Third World people," Boudin wrote friends in a letter from jail. "And that has to be opposed."
She has lived a life of contradictions: known to her friends for gentleness, she yet propounds the need for armed struggle; a devoted mother, she nonetheless placed herself in a dangerous, illegal situation; a magna cum laude graduate of Bryn Mawr who speaks four languages and was accepted at several law schools, she has spent half her adult life in hiding, working at menial jobs and collecting welfare under assumed names.
"Kathy is the last vestige of the radical movment of the 1960s," her father said. "She's the last one who has not taken the safe course because of a sense of idealism I couldn't share and I would not hope anyone next to me would share, but she did share."
The Brinks killings led the federal government to reopen its investigations of radical leftists, largely abandoned in 1976 when the FBI's widely criticized counterintelligence program was curtailed.
A dozen people went to jail last year for refusing to cooper-ate with the federal grand jury investigating the Brinks case, related bombings and murders and the 1979 prison escape of Black Liberation Army leader Joanne Chesimard.
Law enforcement officials said the Brinks robbery and as many as a dozen other crimes were committed by a terrorist al-liance between the Black Liberation Army and supporters of the May 19th Communist Organization, a group of white radical feminists.
Three men and a woman were sentenced to up to 40 years in federal court in Manhattan last week in connection with these charges.
Boudin's trial, expected to last at least six months, is the culmination of this chapter in the bloody history of America's extreme left, a small band of urban guerrillas that sprang from the civil rights and anti-war movements of the 1960s.
The three defendants already convicted in the Brinks case, each sentenced to 70 years in prison, had refused legal counsel and asserted that the robbery was an "expropriation" to finance an independent, black Republic of New Afrika in the southern United States and to finance other anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist activities on behalf of Third World peoples.
Since the mid-1970s, when the Weather Underground claimed responsibility for 25 bombings, including those of the U.S. Capitol in 1971 and the Pentagon in 1972, its members have surrendered one by one to authorities. Some served time, others not; most eventually married, had children and settled down to, on the surface at least, normal middle-class lives.
Boudin was the last of her group to remain underground. Her father said last week that many discussions with her before her 1981 arrest had convinced him that "she was going to go above ground."
"The time had come for her, he said. "There were a lot of political things for her to do if she had been above ground."
With untamed white hair and gaunt face, Leonard Boudin, 71, looks like a figure from a Daumier sketch. Defender of the Berrigan brothers and the Harrisburg Seven, he and Kathy's mother, Jean, made their townhouse in Greenwich Village an intellectual salon of the liberal left. He represented Castro and played chess with Che Guevara.
All this had a strong influence on Kathy and less, perhaps, on her brother, Michael, a corporate lawyer at the Washington law firm of Covington and Burling.
Leonard Boudin, who wears a pacemaker, said he had spent "hundreds of thousands of dollars" on Kathy's defense in the past 2 1/2 years.
He hired Leonard Weinglass, defender of the Chicago Seven and the Symbionese Liberation Army; Linda Backiel, a Phila-delphia lawyer who worked on the Susan Saxe case; Martin Garbus, former associate director of the American Civil Liber-ties Union, and Jay Shulman, a sociologist, to do jury research.
It has been a life-and-death struggle, waged with motions and lawsuits attacking conditions in four different jails, forcing the the severance of trials and two changes in location, from Rockland to Orange to Westchester County because of adverse publicity and community outrage at the murders.
"My parents have really stuck by me, and it is hard to imag-ine the last two years without their support," Kathy Boudin said.
In the Orange County Jail in Goshen, N.Y., where she was held for several months, Boudin joined a plaintiffs' committee.
"We demanded to have the right to go outside during the winter," she said. "We demanded decent diets for pregnant women, not just a bologna sandwich with white bread. We asked to have books in the visiting room when our children came."
Her Swahili-named son, Chesa, was being weaned when Boudin was arrested. She was kept for almost three months in solitary confinement at the Manhattan Correctional Institute.
In an affidavit challenging such conditions, she wrote, "The MCI forbids me from touching my 15-month-old baby, Chesa. Judith Clark cannot touch her 12-month-old baby, either. We are told we cannot touch them because of security. It is said they might be carrying a weapon in their Pampers."
". . . We are willing to have our babies searched, but since the prison administration has decided to punish us, it refuses to reconsider its policy," she wrote. "At the start of the visit, the Unit Manager . . . said, 'If you touch your child even once, the visit will be immediately discontinued.'
"Every time my child would nearly place his hand on my knee, I would jump away for fear the visit would be discontin-ued . . . ," she continued. "I could not express my love for my child, and he, of course, felt that . . . . He could not feel my body. He could not smell me. I cannot express in words the pain that such cruelty inflicts on both me and my child."
On Jan. 7, 1982, Federal Judge Kevin Thomas Duffy agreed that constitutional rights were being violated, holding that "Ms. Boudin, as a pretrial detainee, is not to be punished."
Boudin was transferred to a state prison in Woodbourne, N.Y. where she lived with her co-defendents, including her husband, and was allowed to hold and play with her son.
Kathy's mother brought Chesa to Woodbourne.
"The first time he clung to me and Leonard," Jean Boudin said. "He wasn't in the slightest bit interested in Kathy. But the second or third time, he sat on her lap. Then, he reached with his little arm into her blouse.
"She gave him a bottle. From then on, he wouldn't get off her lap. Suddenly his whole body remembered her," Jean Boudin recalled. "It was overwhelming. He cried terribly when he had to leave."
Chesa visted his mother here last week. A round-faced child with curly blond hair, he chattered happily with Boudin the whole hour, his bubbling laughter penetrating steel-mesh doors to a waiting room. Dressed in jeans, sneakers and a blue vest that his mother had crocheted in jail, he waved cheerfully to the uniformed guard on his way out.
Chesa was accompanied by Bill Ayers, a former leader of the Weather Underground. He and his wife, Bernadine Dohrn, also a former Weather Underground leader, have been caring for Chesa in their Upper West Side apartment.
Ayers, a nursery-school teacher, and Dohrn, a lawyer who is studying for the New York bar, surfaced in 1980. They have two sons, Malik, named after Malcolm X, and Zayd, named af-ter Zayd Shakur, a black radical who died in a gun battle with police.
Jean Boudin, 71, is a poet and a pacifist who devoted herself to homemaking when her children were growing up. On the wall of her Greenwich Village home is a photo of Chesa lying happily on his grandfather's chest.
"That's my Rembrandt," she said. Around the room are more photos of Chesa, blowing bubbles stark naked and running in a field with Zayd and Malik.
"Don't they have crazy names?" she asked, a look of puz-zlement crossing her face. "But that's the in thing. Chesa's in nursery school with Zayd. They're Chinese, brown, black, pink, everything in that school."
From a file she fished a photocopied letter, signed by Dohrn and another former Weatherman and several of their children, about making a "friendship quilt" for Kathy's birthday. Forty-one friends have signed up to make different squares, she said.
"I'm going to buy by some pretty, narrow tape and use it to sew 'Mother' on my square," she said.
Jean Boudin recalled in a Ms. Magazine interview in 1976 the New York opening of Emile de Antonio's film, where she saw Kathy, albeit on celluloid, for the first time since the 1970 townhouse explosion.
"What did one wear to see 'Underground?' " she found her-self worrying. "Suppose there was press, how should a Weath-erperson's mother look?"
Kathy remembers her mother in a different context.
"My earliest political memory is from the McCarthy/Cold War period of the 1950s," she wrote to friends from prison. "When I was 9, an FBI agent came to the door to ask questions about family friends. My mother, a tiny woman, backed him out of the door, firmly claiming she had nothing to say to him.
"I was embarrassed by her rudeness and did not understand," Boudin said. "She did her best to explain how his seemingly harmless questions were designed to punish people who had criticisms of the government."
"At the age of 40, Kathy is exactly what she was at 14 or 18," Leonard Boudin said. "She's the same, warm, thoughtful, concerned person. She's the same person who worked at a camp for the blind, who fought for civil rights in the South, for black welfare mothers in Cleveland, who marched against the bomb, who went to Russia to study literature and loved the Russian people."
Although pamphlets about the Brinks robbery case have been placed in bookstores and mailed to friends, Leonard Boudin expressed dismay that this case, unlike so many others he has fought, has not become a cause celebre of the left. He attributed this, in part, to what he called the "right-wing" and "neo-fascist" era of President Reagan.
"The old radicals are scared like the old radicals were in the Julius and Ethel Rosenberg case," he said. "They're afraid of . . . political robberies and the death of a policeman."
Nonetheless, Boudin said in discussing his daughter, he finds himself "frequently angry at her for sacrificing her life in this way.
"It has affected all of us, including her child . . . . She's made sacrifices most liberals wouldn't think of making," she said.
Jean remembered the night Kathy was arrested, when she and Leonard brought Chesa home. "We had never heard of Pampers," she said. "I was reading the instructions by the hall light while Leonard was trying to put on the Pamper. We didn't know how to undo the stick-um.
"The baby was crying," she recalled. "Leonard kept saying, 'Can't we use safety pins?' But of course you can't get a safety pin through a Pamper. It was crazy."
What has bothered her parents and friends, is that, before the Brinks robbery, Kathy could easily have come above ground and faced only minor charges in connection with the Chicago "Days of Rage" in 1969.
In a letter to Jane Lazarre, a writer for the Village Voice, Boudin said she was "torn" over the decision, fearing that to come out of hiding would be a powerful symbolic blow to her cause.
"I still felt my own personal decision to surface would be one more contribution to the government's and media propa-ganda campaign that the sixties were over, people were growing up and coming home and everything was back to normal, at a time when I felt a need to build a resistance was more necessary than ever," she wrote.
"At the same time, I felt personally the need to have an ex-change with a broad array of people. I wanted to be involved in mass organizing," she continued. ". . . I wanted to be myself with my own name and an identity to the people around me in-stead of the fragmented existence I was living."
For the past 2 1/2 years, Boudin has tried to come to terms with the fact that she could spend the rest of her life in prison. She received a letter last week from the Orange County jail say-ing that the prisoners committee had persuaded officials there to allow outdoor exercise when the temperature is above 40 de-grees. "It makes me feel like we accomplished something," she said.
That night, speaking to a reporter on the telephone, Boudin added that she had the strong support of her co-defendants, Gil-bert, Clark, Balagoon and Sekou Odinga, a black activist con-victed in the federal trial.
"During the first two years of isolation, we were under tre-mendous pressure and confrontation with the government which tried to break us," she said. "Our ability to build a culture of resistance allowed us to survive."
"Culture of resistance" is hard to explain to a 3-year-old who asks why his mother is in jail.
"We tell him that she's fighting for a better world," Jean Boudin said, "and we say many mistakes were made."

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

GRAPHIC: Picture 1, Kathy Boudin gestures during interview in the Rockland County Jail chapel; Picture 2, Kathy Boudin's parents, Leonard and Jean, drew leftist intellectuals to their home. Picture 3, Kathy Boudin answers a reporter's questions as Linda Backiel, one of her lawyers and a veteran of the Susan Saxe case, looks on. Photos by Nancy Kaye for The Washing-ton Post

Copyright 1984 The Washington Post






54 of 74 DOCUMENTS

United Press International

February 23, 1984, Thursday, PM cycle

Kathy Boudin: a radical even in prison

SECTION: Washington News

LENGTH: 540 words

DATELINE: WASHINGTON

Kathy Boudin, one of the 1960s' last protest leaders, is in jail facing murder and robbery charges. Her husband has been sentenced to life in prison for the same crime and she sees her 3-year-old son only on visiting days.
Yet, Ms. Boudin, 40, a former leader of the radical Weather Undergound, remains convinced her path is the right one and has continued her struggle while in prison in Rockland County, N.Y., awaiting trial.
''Historically, the government tries to punish people because they are protesting things the government does,'' Ms. Boudin said in an interview published this week in The Washington Post. ''It is an effort to discourage political action. It is a part of the same government attitude which seeks to overthrow Nicara-gua and prevent the people of El Salvador from choosing their own government.''
Ms. Boudin, and Samuel Brown, 43, an ex-convict from Staten Island, are charged with robbery and murder stemming from the aborted Oct. 20, 1981, attack on a Brink's armored car. Two policemen and a Brink's guard were killed in a shoot-out that followed.
The Post said Ms. Boudin was weaning her Swahili-named son, Chesa, when she was arrested. The child, who now stays with former Weather Underground leader Bill Ayers and his wife, Bernadine Dohrn, in a New York City apartment, sees Ms. Boudin only on visiting days.
A trial in October ended in convictions for Ms. Boudin's husband, David Gilbert, and Judith Clark, also former members of the Weather Underground, and Kuwasi Balagoon, a member of Black Liberation Army. The three were charged with second-degree murder and each was sentenced to serve a minimum of 75 years in prison.
Ms. Boudin, who at 17 visited Havana to view Fidel Castro's revolutionary Cuba, is a graduate of Bryn Mawr. She has spent half her adult life in hiding, been featured on wanted posters by the FBI and narrowly escaped death when a Greenwich Village bomb factory blew up killing three of her friends.
''Kathy is the last vestige of the radical movement of the 1960s,'' her father, Leonard, 71, told the Post. ''She's the last one who has not taken the safe course because of a sense of ideal-ism I couldn't share and I would not hope anyone next to me would share, but she did share.''
A well known civil rights attorney, who has represented Castro and the Berrigan brothers and played chess with Che Guevara, Boudin told the paper he had spent ''hundreds of thou-sands of dollars'' on his daughter's defense.
Ms. Boudin, meanwhile, spends her time fomenting revolu-tion in prison.
While held in a jail in Goshen, N.Y., she joined a committee that fought for outdoor exercise for prisoners in the winter, a change in the prison's menu and books in the visiting room for children.
''During the first two years of isolation (in prison), we were under tremendous pressure and confrontation with the govern-ment which tried to break us,'' she told the Post. ''Our ability to build a culture of resistance allowed us to survive.''
Currently imprisoned in Rockland County, her lawyers are seeking to move her to a jail in Westchester County. Her trial is to be held in White Plains in the county adjacent to New York City and preliminary screening of jurors has begun.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1984 U.P.I.






55 of 74 DOCUMENTS

United Press International

April 26, 1984, Thursday, BC cycle

Kathy Boudin pleads guilty to murder

BYLINE: By ANDREW BLUM

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 524 words

DATELINE: WHITE PLAINS, N.Y.

Former Weather Underground leader Kathy Boudin pleaded guilty Thursday to one count of murder and one count of rob-bery stemming from the 1981 Brink's armored car holdup.
''I feel terrible about the lives of the people lost in the inci-dent,'' Ms. Boudin said after entering the surprise plea before state Supreme Court Justice David Ritter in the Westchester County courthouse.
The bungled $1.6 million robbery resulted in the death of a Brink's guard and two Rockland County policeman who died in a roadblock shootout.
Her father attorney Leonard Boudin, who has acted as Ms. Boudin's lawyer, and her mother, Jean, stood at her side as she pleaded guilty to second-degree murder and first-degree rob-bery.
Bernardine Dohrn, another former Weather Underground radical who has been taking care of Ms. Boudin's 3-year-old son, also was in the court.
Ritter indicated he would sentence Ms. Boudin to a term of 20-years-to-life and said she would not be eligible for parole until the year 2001.
Ms. Boudin, 40, who escaped a 1970 ''bomb factory'' explo-sion in New York's Greenwich Village, is on trial with Samuel Brown, 40, for their part in the Oct. 20, 1981, Brink's armored car holdup in Rockland.
The bungled robbery brought Ms. Boudin to the surface af-ter 11 years of living underground. Three other co-defendants -- including Ms. Boudin's husband David Gilbert -- were con-victed in the case last fall and are serving jail terms of 75 years to life.
Before her capture, the last time she was seen in public was when she ran naked from a Greenwich Village apartment that was doubling as a Weather Underground bomb factory. The factory exploded, killing three of her radical colleagues.
Most of the top Weatherman long since surrendered to au-thorities but Miss Boudin remained at large until the bloody shootout in Nyack, N.Y., when she ran up to an off-duty New York City corrections officer and gave herself up.
At the private schools she attended in New York, she was described as a bright student and good athlete. Her commitment to radical politics emerged once she went to college. At Bryn Mawr, an exclusive liberal arts college in a Philadelphia suburb, she became active in the civil rights movement of the early 1960s.
She spent 1965, her senior year, at the University of Mos-cow and lived for a time in Leningrad.
During the 1968 Democratic convention in Chicago, she was arrested and charged with tossing a ''stink bomb.'' She was also named as a co-conspirator in a federal indictment against the Chicago Seven.
She soon became a leading force in the radical Weatherman movement and was indicted with 11 other members on charges stemming from the ''Days of Rage'' -- the 1969 student rampage through the streets of Chicago.
In late 1969, she and about 100 other members of the group went ''underground'' and planned a bombing campaign aimed at bringing down ''the system.''
On March 6, 1970, a tremendous explosion ripped apart a Greenwich Village townhouse that police said the group had used as a ''bomb factory.'' Three people were killed in the blast, but Miss Boudin was seen leaving shortly afterwards.

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56 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Associated Press

April 26, 1984, Thursday, BC cycle

BYLINE: By EILEEN PUTMAN, Associated Press Writer

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 719 words

DATELINE: WHITE PLAINS, N.Y.

Former Weather Underground fugitive Kathy Boudin pleaded guilty Thursday to murder and robbery in the 1981 Brink's armored car holdup in which two police officers and a guard were killed.
Standing next to her father, civil liberties lawyer Leonard Boudin, Miss Boudin read a prepared statement in which she said she regretted the holdup.
"I feel terrible about the lives that were lost as a result of this incident," Miss Boudin said. "I have led a life committed to po-litical principles. I believe I can be true to these principles in various ways without engaging in violent acts."
The plea came as a jury was being selected to try Miss Boudin on three charges of murder in connection with the 1981 robbery of an rmored car and the killing of a Brink's guard and two Nyack policemen.
Judge David Ritter said he would sentence Miss Boudin, 40, to a term of 20 years to life in prison. She has already served 30 months, and would be eligible for parole in the year 2001.
Ritter said he was accepting the guilty plea in full satisfac-tion of the 13-count indictment, which accused Miss Boudin and several other people of three counts of murder, robbery and other charges in the Oct. 20, 1981, holdup at a shopping mall in Rockland County.
Ritter said that by pleading guilty, Miss Boudin was forever waiving her right to the trial and to any appeal of her plea.
The judge said he would not accept the plea unless per-suaded that Miss Boudin was actually guilty and asked her "What is it you did?"
In her statement, Miss Boudin detailed her involvement in the bungled $1.6 million holdup, in which she said it was her job to wait at a switch point a distance away from the robbery with the getaway vehicles.
Until her capture in the Brink's case, Miss Boudin was last seen fleeing naked from a 1970 explosion of a Greenwich Vil-lage townhouse police said was used by radicals as a bomb fac-tory.
She spent 10 years in the Weather Underground, which claimed responsibility for bombings of public buildings during that turbulent period, but was quoted in an interview recently as saying she was a woman who "has made mistakes."
Samuel Brown, 43, Miss Boudin's co-defendant in the Brink's case, sat an adjacent table and listened intently today as she recounted the events, in which witnesses have said Brown was a principal gunman. His trial will continue.
Three other defendants _ Judith Clark, 33; Kuwasi Bala-goon, 36; and David Gilbert, 39 _ were convicted of the crime Sept. 14 by an Orange County jury. Miss Boudin married Gil-bert, with whom she has a 3-year-old son, in a jailhouse cere-mony on the day of his conviction.
Unlike that trio, Miss Boudin's lawyers had mounted a vig-orous conventional legal defense. They claimed that Miss Boudin was not at the robbery scene in Nanuet.
And although the truck in which she was a passenger carried armed gunmen who burst out and fired upon the police officers at the roadblock after the holdup, Miss Boudin's lawyers said she did not know what her fellow passengers were planning.
Miss Boudin said her role in the robbery was to "wait in the parking lot" at the switch point. When the suspects fleeing the holdup arrived there, they jumped into several vehicles, includ-ing a U-Haul truck in which Miss Boudin was a passenger.
It was that truck that police pulled over at a roadblock mo-ments later. Gunmen jumped out of the back firing.
"I knew, given the nature of the incident, the other individu-als would be armed," she said.
Miss Boudin then related how she jumped out of the truck with "my arms raised."
"Moments later, the shooting began," she said.
But Miss Boudin insisted, "I was unarmed throughout."
Miss Boudin was neatly dressed in a wool skirt and vest and answered in a strong voice in the Westchester County court-room which was crowded with law enforcement officers and Miss Boudin's friends and family.
She turned around once and smiled at her mother, Jean, in the back of the courtroom and to Bernardine Dohrn, a former member of the Weatherman organization, who now is the legal guardian of Miss Boudin's 3-year-old son, Chesa.
Ritter set May 3 as the sentencing date.
Miss Boudin's trial was twice moved by a state appeals court because of pretrial publicity the defense said had biased poten-tial jurors against her.

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All Rights Reserved






57 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Associated Press

April 26, 1984, Thursday, AM cycle

Kathy Boudin Pleads Guilty, Gets 20 To Life

BYLINE: By EILEEN PUTMAN, Associated Press Writer

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 877 words

DATELINE: WHITE PLAINS, N.Y.

In a surprise plea bargain, onetime Weather Underground leader Kathy Boudin pleaded guilty Thursday to murder and robbery stemming from the 1981 holdup of a Brink's truck. "I feel terrible about the lives that were lost," she said.
Westchester County Court Judge David Ritter said he would sentence the 40-year-old former fugitive May 3 to a term of 20 years-to-life in prison on her guilty plea to one count each of murder and robbery. She could be paroled in the year 2001.
She could have faced 75 years to life if convicted of all 13 counts she faced.
Standing next to her father, civil liberties lawyer Leonard Boudin, Miss Boudin read a statement in which she said she re-gretted the $1.6 million holdup and its aftermath, in which two policemen and a guard were killed.
"I feel terrible about the lives that were lost as a result of this incident," Miss Boudin said. "I have led a life committed to po-litical principles. I believe I can be true to these principles in various ways without engaging in violent acts."
But she insisted that her role in the crimes was limited _ she was unarmed, she said _ and according to her lawyer, she has no intention of testifying against others accused in the episode.
"Kathy is a strong person who's made deliberate choices. She made a big one today," said the lawyer, Leonard Wein-glass.
The plea came as a jury was being selected to try Miss Boudin. The judge said he would not accept the plea unless per-suaded that Miss Boudin was actually guilty. He asked her, "What is it you did?"
In her statement, Miss Boudin detailed her involvement in the bungled holdup. It was her job, she said, to wait with get-away vehicles at a switch point, a distance away from the rob-bery.
Ritter said he accepted the plea because there was "no evi-dence Miss Boudin ever participated in a violent crime," Hers was a "secondary role," the judge said, and her plea would bring a "just end to this expensive and lengthy litigation."
"Also significant is that she is reported to be remorseful and contrite about the deaths and injuries ... That sets her apart from those previously sentenced," he said.
Three other defendants _ Judith Clark, 33; Kuwasi Bala-goon, 36; and David Gilbert, 39 _ were convicted Sept. 14 of the crime by an Orange County jury. Miss Boudin married Gil-bert, with whom she has a 3-year-old son, in a jailhouse cere-mony on the day of his conviction.
Each of those defendants was sentenced to 75-years-to-life _ three consecutive terms for the three murders. If she had been convicted of all the charges against her, Miss Boudin almost certainly would have faced the same.
Prior to her capture in the Brink's case, Miss Boudin was last seen fleeing naked from a 1970 explosion of a Greenwich Village townhouse police said was used by radicals as a bomb factory.
She spent 10 years in the Weather Underground, which bombed public buildings during that time of turmoil, but was quoted in an interview recently as saying she was a woman who "has made mistakes."
Samuel Brown, 43, Miss Boudin's co-defendant, sat an adja-cent table and listened intently Thursday as she recounted the events, in which witnesses have said Brown was a principal gunman. His trial will continue.
Miss Boudin said her role in the robbery was to "wait in the parking lot" at the switch point. When the suspects fleeing the holdup arrived there, they jumped into several vehicles, includ-ing a U-Haul truck in which Miss Boudin was a passenger.
It was that truck that police pulled over at a roadblock mo-ments later.
"I knew, given the nature of the incident, the other individu-als would be armed," she said. She jumped out of the truck with "my arms raised."
"Moments later, the shooting began," she said. Police say the gunmen were firing their weapons when they jumped out of the truck.
"I was unarmed throughout," Miss Boudin insisted.
Miss Boudin was neatly dressed in a wool skirt and vest. She answered in a strong voice in a Westchester County court-room crowded with law enforcement officers and Miss Boudin's friends and family.
She turned around once and smiled at her mother, Jean, in the back of the courtroom and to Bernardine Dohrn, a former member of the Weathermen, who now is the legal guardian of Miss Boudin's son, Chesa.
After the court session, Weinglass tried to explain Miss Boudin's plea.
"Kathy never contended that she was an innocent. She merely contended she was not as guilty as they said she was," he said.
Since the crime, Weinglass said, Miss Boudin had been por-trayed publicly as a terrorist _ her trial was moved twice due to prejudicial pre-trial publicity. It was only within the past month that her lawyers and authorities were able to negotiate in a rea-sonable atmosphere, he said.
Kenneth Gribetz, Rockland County district attorney, said he was pleased with the end result. "She's behind bars for 20 years. She's been punished. It's an appropriate punishment," he said.
Leonard Boudin, in a brief meeting with the media after the session, tried to collect his thoughts.
His daughter's life, he said, has been "devoted to the welfare of humanity ... I have never known Kathy to be anything other than idealistic, honest and selfless. This case doesn't change my view."

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GRAPHIC: Laserphoto NY65

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58 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Associated Press

April 27, 1984, Friday, PM cycle

BYLINE: By EILEEN PUTMAN, Associated Press Writer

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 673 words

DATELINE: WHITE PLAINS, N.Y.

Once-defiant radical fugitive Kathy Boudin, now remorseful and saying she renounces violence, must spend the next 17 years in prison after admitting her role in the 1981 Brink's ar-mored car robbery and murders.
Her plea of guilty to murder and robbery Thursday was "a bolt out of the blue," in the words of prosecutor Kenneth Gribetz.
Miss Boudin, 40, avoided a possible prison sentence that would have carried virtually no hope of parole. But she must still be imprisoned until the year 2,001.
Two police officers and a guard were shot to death in the bungled $1.6 million holdup in Rockland County, about 20 miles north of New York City, and Miss Boudin said she re-gretted their deaths.
"I feel terrible about the lives that were lost as a result of this incident," Miss Boudin said, as her father, civil liberties attor-ney Leonard Boudin, stood stiffly at her side and her mother Jean wept from a row in the back.
Miss Boudin bore little resemblance to the defiant woman who smiled at a courtroom of supporters chanting revolutionary slogans at her early court proceedings.
Speaking softly, Miss Boudin said she had "led a life com-mitted to political principles" and "can be true to these princi-ples in various ways without engaging in violent acts."
Miss Boudin pleaded guilty to a charge of murder and one of robbery for "acting in concert" with the others indicted. She had faced the possibility of a prison sentence of 75-years-to-life if a jury found her guilty of the triple murders and robbery. Plea bargaining began two weeks ago, said her lawyer, Leonard Weinglass.
In court Miss Boudin said her role during the Oct. 20, 1981, Brink's holdup was limited to helping with an exchange of get-away vehicles.
Until her capture at a police roadblock, Miss Boudin had last been seen fleeing naked from a 1970 explosion of a Greenwich Village townhouse police said was used by radicals as a bomb factory.
She spent 10 years in the Weather Underground, which claimed responsibility for bombings of public buildings. She was quoted in interviews recently as saying she was a woman who "has made mistakes."
Miss Boudin said in her courtroom statement that she was unarmed during the Brink's heist but admitted that she knew her companions "would be armed."
Judge David Ritter, presiding in Westchester County Court, said he accepted her guilty plea because he was satisfied she had "a secondary role" in the crime and "is reported to be re-morseful and contrite about the deaths and injuries."
"Kathy never contended that she was an innocent," her law-yer Leonard Weinglass said outside of court later. "She merely contended she was not as guilty as they said she was."
Authorities said the holdup was staged by a band of '60s radicals turned terrorists.
Three defendants _ Judith Clark, 33, Kuwasi Balagoon, 36, and David Gilbert, 39, who is Miss Boudin's husband _ were convicted last Sept. 14 and are now serving 75-year-to-life terms. The trial of Miss Boudin's co-defendant, Samuel Brown, 43, which was in the final stage of jury selection, will continue.
Other suspects are being sought in the case, but Weinglass said Miss Boudin's plea bargaining arrangement, in which the remaining 11 counts of her indictment will be dropped, does not include any provision for Miss Boudin to turn informant.
Gribetz, the Rockland County district attorney prosecuting the case, said only that he was satisfied with the guilty plea and the judge's promise that he would sentence Miss Boudin to 20-years-to-life in prison on May 3. She will be given credit for the 30 months already served.
"She will be confined for most of the balance of her life," Gribetz said. "This will serve as a deterrent to others who wish to assist terrorist groups."
Miss Boudin seemed composed in court Thursday, occa-sionally turning around to smile at her mother and at Bernar-dine Dohrn, another former member of the Weatherman or-ganization. Miss Dohrn and her husband, Bill Ayers, are the legal guardians of Miss Boudin's 3-year-old son.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

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All Rights Reserved






59 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The New York Times

April 27, 1984, Friday, Late City Final Edition

KAHTY BOUDIN, IN REVERSAL, PLEADS GUILTY TO '81 HOLDUP AND SLAYINGS

BYLINE: By JAMES FERON, Special to the New York Times

SECTION: Section A; Page 1, Column 1; Metropolitan Desk

LENGTH: 1335 words

DATELINE: WHITE PLAINS, April 26

Kathy Boudin, in a dramatic reversal, pleaded guilty today to murder and robbery charges in the 1981 Brink's holdup in which a guard and two police officers were slain.
Miss Boudin, speaking in a low, firm voice, told of her role in the Rockland County robbery and killings and of her remorse over the consequences.
''I feel terrible about the lives that were lost,'' she told Judge David S. Ritter. ''I have led a life of commitment to political principles, and I think I can be true to those principles without engaging in violent acts.''


20 Years to Life
Judge Ritter said he would sentence the 40-year-old Miss Boudin next Thursday to 20 years to life in prison. Since Miss Boudin has already spent three years in prison, she will be eli-gible for parole in 2001.
If she had gone to trial and been found guilty, she would probably have been sentenced to 25 years to life on each of three counts of murder, terms that she probably would have had to serve consecutively.
With Miss Boudin's guilty plea, only one of the Brink's de-fendants remains to be tried. The plea came in a crowded but hushed courtroom in Westchester County Court, where the case was moved because of pretrial publicity. Miss Boudin's mother, Jean, sat three rows back, composed and surrounded by friends. One of them was Bernardine Dohrn, like Miss Boudin a former member of the radical Weather Underground organization. Miss Dohrn is now the legal guardian of Miss Boudin's 3-year-old son, Chesa.


Accord With Prosecutor
Kenneth A. Gribetz, the Rockland County District Attorney, said Miss Boudin's attorneys had approached him last week seeking agreement on a lesser sentence for a guilty plea. The talks, which later included Judge Ritter, continued until 11 this morning.
Leonard I. Weinglass, who has been Miss Boudin's principal attorney, said after the court session that the defendant had sought to plead guilty only to the robbery charge, which could have brought a term of 8 1/2 to 25 years, but that Mr. Gribetz had insisted on Miss Boudin also pleading guilty to at least one count of murder as well.
Mr. Weinglass said a key factor in the arrangement was the provision of the felony murder law that a participant in a felony where a murder is committed is also guilty of the murder. In this case, the felony is the $1.6 million holdup of the armored truck outside the Nanuet Mall on Oct. 20, 1981 by a group of self-styled radicals. Miss Boudin said she had not been a par-ticipant in the slayings, but had played a role in driving one of the getaway vehicles.
Mr. Weinglass said, ''It's not so much a matter of comparing her 20 years to 25 years,'' the minimum time she would have served for a murder conviction, ''but comparing 20 years to 75 years,'' the minimum term for three consecutive murder convic-tions. For Mr. Gribetz, the plea bargain represents an end to what might have proved to be a troublesome case against Miss Boudin. The prosecution had conceded that Miss Boudin did not carry a gun or shoot anybody. But Mr. Gribetz would have tried to show, through tiny glass fragments found in her cloth-ing, that she was present during the holdup.
The prosecution had no witnesses who could place Miss Boudin at the robbery scene. In court today, she said that while she had been a passenger in one of the vehicles used to flee the scene, she had emerged from the car with her hands up at a roadblock in Nyack and had not been involved in the slaying of the two police officers there.
Mr. Gribetz said he had been ''surprised that they ap-proached us last Thursday.'' The prosecutor said he had con-ferred with the families of the slain police officers about the proposed plea. ''We all agreed that justice would be done with this result,'' he said. ''It's a very strong sentence.''
Judge Ritter said he had accepted Miss Boudin's guilty plea in full satisfaction of the 13 charges against her.
Mr. Gribetz said he would continue to prosecute the case against Samuel Brown, Miss Boudin's co-defendant.

Differences in Cases
''Our evidence is that he killed the police officers; the cases can't be compared,'' Mr. Gribetz said.
After today's plea, Miss Boudin was permitted to confer with her father, the lawyer Leonard Boudin, and her mother. As he left the heavily guarded eighth-floor courtroom, Mr. Boudin was asked if his daughter felt relieved that the case was over.
''In one sense, everyone is relieved to end a certain aspect of one's life,'' he said. ''The case is now behind us.'' Then he thought for a moment, looked at his wife, and said, ''I can't be objective about it. She's not just a client; she's a daughter.''
Miss Boudin, who will be eligible for parole when she is 58, searched for familiar faces in the courtroom before the session, as she had done regularly since the court sessions began. Her co-defendant, Mr. Brown, maintained his usual impassive man-ner as he sat at a table to her left. Mr. Gribetz and his aides sat at the right.

2,600 Potential Jurors
That had been the setting since mid- February, when jury se-lection and pretrial hearings began. More than 2,600 potential jurors were screened in two stages to produce a panel of West-chester residents who claimed neither hardship nor bias in the case.
A final panel of 12 jurors with four alternates will be se-lected, now only to hear Mr. Brown's case, after hearings that are under way to determine if Mr. Brown is competent to stand trial.
Although few of the potential jurors testified that they had read of Mr. Brown, many knew of Miss Boudin. Some recalled that she was an alumna of Bryn Mawr College, from which she graduated in of 1965; others recognized her father as a noted civil rights lawyer, and many associated her with the 1970 ex-plosion of a Greenwich Village town house that was being used by radicals as a bomb factory. Three people died in the blast.
Outside the courtroom today, Mr. Boudin had other memo-ries of his daughter in the years before the blast at the town house. He recalled her working with poor people and with the blind in high school, and organizing a civil rights conference in the South.
Mr. Weinglass, speaking to another knot of reporters, said that throughout this and earlier Brink's trials, Miss Boudin ''was offered a lenient sentence if she would cooperate'' with prosecutors. ''But she refused, so now she will spend the rest of her life in jail,'' he said.
Mr. Gribetz said he did not plan to call Miss Boudin to tes-tify in Mr. Brown's trial.
The Brink's robbery attracted widespread interest, largely because most of the defendants had been identified as members of the Black Panthers, the Black Liberation Army and the Weather Underground, radical groups long out of public view.
Although the robbery and murders took place in Rockland County, the first trial was moved to Judge Ritter's Orange County courtroom after a state appeals court ruled that the de-fendants could not get a fair trial because of heavy local public-ity and extraordinary security measures.
After Miss Boudin's and Mr. Brown's cases were severed, three other defendants, Judith A. Clark, 33, Kuwasi Balagoon, 36, and David Gilbert, 39, were convicted last September of murder, robbery and lesser charges and sentenced to 75 years to life in prison. Miss Boudin married Mr. Gilbert, the father of her child, in a jailhouse ceremony on the day of his conviction.
Earlier in September, a Federal jury in Manhattan found four others guilty of conspiracy, racketeering and lesser offenses in the Brink's case and other holdups. They received sentences of up to 40 years in prison.
Defendants in those trials, calling themselves ''political pris-oners'' and ''freedom fighters,'' had ignored or rejected lawyers seeking to defend them, instead choosing what came to be known as revolutionary defenses. Miss Boudin and Mr. Brown, by contrast, chose to be represented by lawyers and have avoided courtroom outbursts.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

GRAPHIC: photo of parents of Boudin (page B4); drawing

Copyright 1984 The New York Times Company






60 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Associated Press

April 27, 1984, Friday, PM cycle

In His Daughter, Leonard Boudin Finds His Toughest Case

BYLINE: By EILEEN PUTMAN, Associated Press Writer

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 696 words

DATELINE: WHITE PLAINS, N.Y.

Attorney Leonard Boudin stood with the defendant before the judge, as he has with many others for many years. But this wasn't any other defendant. It was his only daughter, and she was pleading guilty to murder.
With his wife sitting a few rows away weeping and holding pictures of her grandson, Boudin stood stiffly at the defense ta-ble as his daughter, Kathy, agreed to a plea bargain that will keep her in prison and away from her family until the year 2001.
It was perhaps the toughest courtroom moment ever for the prominent 71-year-old civil liberties lawyer, who only two days earlier had been arguing a case before the U.S. Supreme Court.
Judge David Ritter, presiding Thursday as Miss Boudin pleaded guilty to murder and robbery in the 1981 Brink's holdup, looked up from his bench at one point to tell Boudin, "I am sure this is a difficult day for you, sir."
"Yes, it is," Boudin replied, as his daughter stared straight ahead.
Boudin and his wife, Jean, have spent hundreds of thousands of dollars since their daughter's arrest 30 months ago. They have traveled long distances to attend court sessions and show their support.
Boudin hired a team of top lawyers who mounted a pro-longed and sophisticated defense. They sought and won changes of venue. They challenged scientific evidence offered by the prosecution in preliminary hearings. They scrutinized prospective jurors.
Now it was all over. With jury selection incomplete, Miss Boudin decided to avoid a trial and plead guilty in the bungled $1.6 million holdup of a Brink's truck that left a guard and two police officers dead.
Three people, including Miss Boudin's husband David Gil-bert, had already been convicted and are serving 75-years-to-life sentences. The trial of Miss Boudin's codefendant, Samuel Brown, will continue.
Outside of court, Boudin was somber and bemused as he spoke to reporters of his daughter's decision to plead guilty.
"I can't look at this thing just as a lawyer. She's not just a client. This is a daughter," he said, eyes glistening.
Mrs. Boudin, who had sat in the back of courtroom crying softly and fingering photographs of Miss Boudin's 3-year-old son, did not speak.
Boudin earlier in the week had been arguing in the Supreme Court against government restrictions on travel to Cuba. In a long career, he has defended anti-war activists like Dr. Benja-min Spock and the Berrigan brothers, and represented Paul Robeson in his battle to win a passport after the entertainer was touched by McCarthyism.
Though his daughter had been an opponent of the legal sys-tem he embraced, Boudin spoke with pride of her activities as a youth in political and social issues.
"In the very early days of high school, she worked with poor people," he said. "At Bryn Mawr, she organized a two-day con-ference on civil rights."
Then came her involvement with Students for a Democratic Society and the radical Weather Underground. Arrests in vio-lent demonstrations followed, and in 1970 she fled naked from an explosion in a Greenwich Village townhouse. Authorities said it was a radical bomb factory. an Miss Boudin became a fugitive until her arrest in the Brink's case.
Boudin acknowledged that his daughter had chosen a differ-ent path to express her beliefs than he had as a lawyer, but he said he did not fault her.
"I have lived a somewhat different life, yet I can say she really is a wonderful human being," he said. "As I have viewed Kathy's almost 41 years of life, I see it basically as a life de-voted to the welfare of humanity."
His wife, a petite, gray-haired woman, would speak only about her grandson, Chesa, the child of Miss Boudin and Gil-bert.
The boy is being raised by Bernardine Dohrn, Miss Boudin's former compatriot in the Weather Underground.
"He's a happy child," Mrs. Boudin said, displaying the pho-tographs, which show the boy as he enjoyed cupcakes at his third birtthday party.
Like the rest of Miss Boudin's family, Chesa's only contact with her will be jailhouse visits. By the time Miss Boudin can apply for release, her son will be 21.
"He asks questions, but he doesn't understand," Mrs. Boudin said. And softly, she began to cry.

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61 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Associated Press

April 28, 1984, Saturday, AM cycle

Kathy Boudin Was Revolutionary Who Returned To System She Scorned

BYLINE: By EILEEN PUTMAN, Associated Press Writer

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 946 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

A child of wealth steeped in leftist politics, Kathy Boudin became the revolutionary her parents were not. She worked in ghettos, visited Communist countries, denounced her govern-ment.
She was a star of the Weather Underground, a woman who forsook what her circles called "white skin privilege" in order to change a flawed society. There were bombings, years on the lam, angry communiques from underground.
But in the end, she returned to her roots and the system she scorned.
Miss Boudin, 40, pleaded guilty last week to murder and robbery in the Oct. 20, 1981, Brink's armored car holdup in Rockland County in which two police officers and a guard were killed.
The plea bargain avoided the possibility of a 75-year-to-life sentence, but it will keep her in prison until the year 2001. Her son Chesa will be 21 years old before he sees his mother freed.
Miss Boudin was neatly dressed in a long wool skirt and sweater vest that would have befitted a professor at Bryn Mawr, the elite college she attended, or the lawyer she once thought she might become.
Her statement was carefully worded. Her role in the crime was a minor one, she said, limited to waiting with getaway ve-hicles for the fleeing robbers.
It was the safest course. Unlike her husband, David Gilbert, who is serving 75 years for the holdup, Miss Boudin now has prospects of eventual freedom.
It will be a long time to wait, almost as long as Miss Boudin spent in her revolutionary pursuits.
During Miss Boudin's childhood, her parents' townhouse in Greenwich Village became a salon for leftist luminaries. Her father, noted civil liberties lawyer Leonard Boudin, defended targets of McCarthyism and later, anti-war activists like Dr. Benjamin Spock and the Berrigan brothers.
Miss Boudin became politically active at an early age. Her father recalled proudly last week in a conversation with report-ers how she worked with poor people in high school and went on to organize civil rights conferences and demonstrations at Bryn Mawr.
In her college years, she traveled to Moscow and Cuba and returned to work in a Cleveland slum with welfare mothers.
Then came her involvement with the Weathermen, a faction of Students for a Democratic Society that became increasingly violent during the anti-war protests of the late '60s.
Its spinoff, the Weather Underground Organization, was formed as a secret guerrilla army. The group claimed reponsi-bility for bombings at public buildings that symbolized gov-ernment authority. Miss Boudin was said to have been a leader of the organization's New York cell.
On March 6, 1970, Miss Boudin was seen fleeing naked from an explosion in a Greenwich Village townhouse police said was used by the radicals as a bomb factory. She spent the next 11 years as a fugitive.
Those in the underground lived under false names and worked at odd jobs. There was a network of "safe houses" and communes, according to those who surfaced later.
Among them were Mark Rudd, Cathlyn Wilkerson, Jane Al-pert, Bernardine Dohrn, Abbie Hoffman. Tired of life on the run, they wanted to live openly with their families and children.
But Miss Boudin remained underground, living on welfare with her child under an assumed name in an apartment in upper Manhattan.
On Oct. 20, 1981, an off-duty corrections officer captured her as she fled the bloody shootout after the Brink's robbery. That was turning point in her revolution.
From the moment of her arrest, she took a different path from her associates. At her capture she shouted, "I didn't shoot him, he did!" and was reported to have gestured in the direction of an associate.
In early court appearances Miss Boudin was defiant, smiling at supporters chanting revolutionary slogans.
But that soon changed.
Gilbert and two other defendants called themselves "free-dom fighters" and said they did not recognize the government's right to try them.
Miss Boudin's father would have none of that.He hired top lawyers with liberal credentials, among them Leonard Wein-glass, a defense lawyer in the Chicago 7 conspiracy trial and a veteran of radical causes.
Weinglass filed a spate of motions challenging the prosecu-tion's evidence. He won Miss Boudin a separate trial from the three others, who were convicted last year. He also won her two changes of venue.
In February, when jury selection for Miss Boudin's trial be-gan, Weinglass proffered a complex set of legal defenses he said last week could have won his client acquittal on at least two of the three murder charges. That could have meant 25 years to life.
But over it all hung the specter of the 75-year-to-life sen-tence Miss Boudin faced if the verdict was guilty. The judge had imposed consecutive sentences on the others for each of the three murders.
When the prosecution indicated a receptiveness to plea-bargaining, the time for abandoning the revolution apparently was at hand.
Miss Boudin entered her plea in a low strong voice, as her mother wept in the back of a courtroom. Miss Boudin's father stood by her side.
"I feel terrible about the lives that were lost as a result of this incident," she said. "I have led a life committed to political principles. I believe I can be true to those principles in various ways without engaging in violent acts."
Her plea can never be appealed, and no amount of good be-havior in prison will reduce the sentence.
Miss Boudin has vowed to continue in prison her commit-ment to political issues, but without violence. Her life is not over, only a phase of it.
"She's a person who doesn't give up. She will write, she will speak in prison. She has an identity," said Weinglass. "Always in loss, there is a gain."

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The New York Times

May 4, 1984, Friday, Late City Final Edition

KATHY BOUDIN GIVEN 20 YEARS TO LIFE IN PRISON

BYLINE: By JAMES FERON

SECTION: Section B; Page 4, Column 1; Metropolitan Desk

LENGTH: 905 words

DATELINE: WHITE PLAINS, May 3

Kathy Boudin was sentenced today to 20 years to life in prison for her role in the 1981 Brink's holdup in which a guard and two police officers were slain.
The 40-year-old defendant, who will be 58 years old when eligible for parole, turned to relatives of the victims sitting in the crowded courtroom and said: ''I know that anything I say now will sound hollow, but I extend to you my deepest sympa-thy. I feel real pain.''
She said she also mourned for one of the robbers, Samuel Smith, who died in a shootout two days after the holdup. She referred to him as a ''new African, Mtyari Shabaka Sundiata.''

Reflections of a Radical
Addressing the spectators in the courtroom, Miss Boudin then spoke of her motivations. ''I was there out of my commit-ment to the black liberation struggle and its underground movement,'' she said. ''I am a white person who does not want the crimes committed against black people to be carried in my name.''
''Looking back on 12 years underground and forward to at least 20 more years in jail, all because of political conviction, I cannot help but reflect on my life.'' she said. ''Fundamental change is long and hard, and setbacks from mistakes are as much a part of that process as victories.''
The defendant, who had faced three consecutive sentenced of 25 years to life in prison if found guilty of the three deaths, pleaded guilty last Thursday in return for the shorter sentence.
Kenneth Gribetz, the Rockland County District Attorney, had agreed that she was not directly involved in any of the kill-ings.

An 'Active Participant'
But he recalled in the 30-minute session today in Orange County Court that she had been an ''active participant'' in the holdup.
Speaking before Judge David S. Ritter passed sentence, Mr. Gribetz said Miss Boudin came to Rockland County ''knowing there would be a robbery'' and that ''other participants would be armed.''
Therefore, he said, she is as responsible for the death of Pe-ter Paige, the slain Brink's guard, ''as the person who fired the lethal bullet.''
It is thus incumbent upon this court, he said, ''to punish her, and punish her severely, for her actions.''
Mr. Gribetz said courts had indicated that a sentence should serve three purposes: to punish the offender in a manner appro-priate to the crime, to rehabilite the offender, if possible, and to deter others from engaging in similar criminal activity. The sen-tence in this case, he said, will satisfy that threefold aim.
''It will effectively result in her incarceration for the better part of the remainder of her natural life,'' he said, ''and to the ex-tent a prison sentence can appropriately punish the defendant for her actions, I believe the term to be imposed by the court is appropriate.''
Sitting several rows directly behind Mr. Gribetz was Diane O'Grady, whose husband, Sgt. Edward O'Grady, was killed, with Officer Waverly Brown, at a roadblock shootout. Both were members of the Nyack Police Department. Mrs. O'Grady's three young children were not present.
Officer Brown's 19-year-son, Greg, was also in the court-room, as was a representative of Brink's Inc., the armored-car company.
Mr. Gribetz said members of Mr. Paige's family had chosen not to attend. Arthur Keenan, a Nyack officer wounded in the shootout, was in the courtroom with Brian Lennon, another Ny-ack officer at the roadblock.
Also in the courtroom were Michael Koch, a New York City corrections officer who seized Miss Boudin as she fled from the shootout at the roadblock, and Norma Hill, whose car was seized at gunpoint by those fleeing the roadblock. Both were witnesses in an earlier trial of three other defendants. The three received sentences of 75 years to life in prison..
Mr. Koch and Mrs. Hill were expected to testify in the pro-ceedings against Miss Boudin's co-defendant, Samuel Brown.


Father Shares the Blame
Miss Boudin's father, Leonard B. Boudin, also addressed Judge Ritter. Seemingly drained - with his wife, Jean, looking on - he sought to take on some of the blame.
''We are responsible in a large sense for our daughter's views on life - the prelude to a long prison sentence,'' said Mr. Boudin, a lawyer who has long specialized in civil-rights cases.
He said that ''we disagreed on many things, including her devotion to black people and the third world.'' But he said she was not a ''terrorist'' and had never carried a weapon.
Miss Boudin sat next to him - her palms pressed together, her hands against her mouth - as her father spoke of ''the day she leaves prison, and I hope to God her mother is still alive.'' Mrs. Boudin shook her head slowly.
Across the aisle, directly behind the defense table, were friends of Miss Boudin and other members of her family.
Next to Mrs. Boudin was William C. Ayers - a former mem-ber of the Weather Underground, the radical organization that Miss Boudin had also joined. Mr. Ayers married Bernadine Dohrn in 1982, and they have custody of Miss Boudin's 3-year-old son, Chesa.
Judge Ritter, in sentencing Miss Boudin, said the law pro-vided that she be given life in prison.
''The only question is the minimum time she must serve be-fore being eligible for parole,'' he said. Counting time already served, she will be eligible for parole in 2001.
''I hope this term is a deterrent and an end to this expensive and time-consuming case,'' the judge said.

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United Press International

May 25, 1984, Friday, AM cycle

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 298 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

Bernardine Dohrn, former Weather Underground master-mind and once one of the FBI's most wanted fugitives, has passed the New York bar exam, it was disclosed Friday.
But before she can practice law, Ms. Dohrn, 42, must be approved by the Committees on Character and Fitness of the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court for the counties of New York and Bronx.
Ms. Dohrn, who graduated from the University of Chicago law school in 1967, took the New York state bar exam in Feb-ruary. She lives in Manhattan.
In the late 1960s, she rose to the leadership of the Students for a Democratic Society and following the violent ''Days of Rage'' in Chicago in 1969 she went underground. She surfaced in 1980, when she was given probation for charges stemming from the 1969 riots.
James Donovan, executive assistant to the Appellate Divi-sion, confirmed that Ms. Dohrn was among 940 law students who learned this week they had passed the New York state bar exam and that she has been certified.
Though Ms. Dohrn has been convicted of a crime, Donovan said that would not mean she automatically would be rejected by the committee.
''It is up to the discretion of the committee,'' Donovan said.
In 1968, after the tumultous Democratic National Conven-tion in Chicago, Miss Dohrn was described as ''the most mili-tant of all the Weathermen.'' In 1970, the FBI placed Ms. Dohrn on its 10 Most Wanted list.
In 1974, federal charges against Ms. Dohrn were dropped and the FBI took her off the ''most wanted'' list.
Ms. Dohrn was jailed for civil contempt for nearly seven months for refusing to cooperate with a federal grand jury in-vestigating a $1.6 million Brink's robbery which occurred in October 1980. She was released in December 1982. She was never charged in the Brink's case.

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The Associated Press

May 25, 1984, Friday, AM cycle

Ms. Dorhn Passes State Bar Examination

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 393 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

Former Weather Underground leader Bernardine Dohrn, who spent 11 years as a fugitive _ four of them on the FBI's most wanted list _ has passed the state bar examination, her former attorney confirmed Friday.
Ms. Dohrn, who was graduated from the University of Chi-cago Law School in 1967, must win approval from the Commit-tee on Character and Fitness of the state Supreme Court to prac-tice law in the state.
"I think she's a reformed person" and should have no trouble passing the committee, said the lawyer, Don H. Reuben of Chi-cago. "I think her philosophy now is to work within the sys-tem."
James Donovan, executive assistant to the committee's city branch, said he knew of no previous case such as Ms. Dohrn's. "Anyone who has had trouble with the law presents problems," he said. "It's not just 'OK, fine."'
He said the committee interviews all candidates for certifica-tion, then makes recommendations to the court's appellate divi-sion.
Ms. Dohrn was the Weather Underground spokeswoman whose 1970 "Declaration of War" on the government was fol-lowed by bombings for which the organization claimed respon-sibility. She spent 11 years as a fugitive, including four on the FBI's "Most Wanted" list as an alleged conspirator in riots and bombings.
The FBI eventually dropped those charges; Ms. Dohrn pleaded guilty to charges stemming from the 1969 "Days of Rage" demonstrations in Chicago and was fined and placed on three years' probation.
In May 1982, she was jailed for seven months on civil con-tempt charges for refusing to give handwriting samples to a federal grand jury investigating a possible terrorist conspiracy in several robberies, including the 1981 holdup of a Brink's truck in which two police officers and a guard were killed.
Kathy Boudin, another former Weather Underground leader, pleaded guilty to one count of robbery and murder in the Brink's case and was sentenced on May 3 to 20 years to life in prison. Ms. Dohrn, who is married and has two sons, is caring for Ms. Boudin's son.
Reuben said Ms. Dohrn, who has been working as a legal assistant, was on a camping trip and could not be contacted. He said she knew from a letter that she had passed the exam, given Feb. 28 and 29.
Ms. Dohrn's name was listed in the New York Law Journal this week as among the 940 people who passed, of about 2,100 who took the test.

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The New York Times

July 29, 1984, Sunday, Late City Final Edition

FOLLOW-UP ON THE NEWS;
Bernardine Dohrn

BYLINE: By Mervyn Rothstein

SECTION: Section 1; Part 2; Page 33, Column 3; Metropolitan Desk

LENGTH: 171 words

Bernardine Dohrn, a former leader of the Weather Under-ground who spent 11 years as a fugitive, passed New York's bar examination this year. But to practice, Miss Dohrn, who gradu-ated from law school in 1967, had to be approved by the Com-mittee on Character and Fitness of State Supreme Court.
She had surfaced in 1980 and was given three years' proba-tion for her role in violent protests. In 1982, she spent seven months in jail for refusing to cooperate with a grand jury inves-tigating the 1981 Brink's robbery and murder in Rockland County.
''I think she's a reformed person'' who should have no trouble being approved, her former lawyer, Don H. Reuben of Chicago, said in May. ''I think her philosophy now is to work within the system.'' But James Donovan, executive assistant to the court unit, said ''anyone who has had trou- ble with the law presents problems.''
She has not filed an application with the panel, Mr. Donovan says. ''There's no immediate deadline,'' he says. ''She can file a year from now.''

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The New York Times

February 10, 1985, Sunday, Late City Final Edition

FOLLOW-UP ON THE NEWS;
Hurdle for Dohrn

BYLINE: By Richard Haitch

SECTION: Section 1; Part 2; Page 45, Column 4; Metropolitan Desk

LENGTH: 148 words

A major hurdle remained for Bernardine Dohrn last May af-ter she passed the New York State bar examination: before she could practice law, she would have to be approved by the State Supreme Court's Committee on Character and Fitness.
Miss Dohrn, a former Weather Underground leader and fu-gitive for 11 years, received three months' probation in 1980 for her role in violent protests. In 1982 she spent seven months in jail for refusing to cooperate with a grand jury investigating the 1981 Brink's robbery and murders in Rockland County.
Last July the court fitness committee had not yet received an application from Miss Dohrn.
Robert Keegan, secretary of the committee's First Depart-ment, representing Manhattan and the Bronx, says that under law any application is confidential. The only thing he can con-firm, he says, is that so far ''she has not been admitted'' to the bar.

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The New York Times

August 26, 1985, Monday, Late City Final Edition

BAR PANEL TO CONSIDER DOHRN'S FITNESS

BYLINE: By SAM ROBERTS

SECTION: Section B; Page 4, Column 3; Metropolitan Desk

LENGTH: 847 words

She was a leader of the Weather Underground and a fugitive for nearly 11 years from charges that she participated in violent protests.
As recently as 1982, her own lawyer described her in an af-fidavit as having ''a view of the law and a view of life and her rights and obligations that is myopic, convoluted, unrealistic, childish, and inexplicable'' and as a woman who ''is intractable in her views and beliefs to the point of fanaticism.''
Today, Bernardine Dohrn - 43 years old and a married mother of three who lives with her husband in upper Manhattan - is applying for admission to the bar. And a court-appointed committee is considering whether she has outgrown the style, if not the substance, of her years of protest, as well as the degree to which her behavior is relevant to the practice of law.
Don H. Reuben, the Chicago lawyer who filed the 1982 af-fidavit in an effort to convince the court that it was pointless to prosecute, now says of Miss Dohrn, ''My impression is that she's so conservative she's dull.''
''I suspect it's children, the law, life and reading Time maga-zine,'' he said in a recent interview.

Called a Violent Terrorist
In contrast, at a hearing by the character committee earlier this month, Miss Dohrn was portrayed as ''a violent terrorist leader'' by Lieut. Terence McTigue, who is on a medical leave from the New York City Police Department's bomb squad.
''It's not up to us to prove that she's a bad person,'' said Lieu-tenant McTigue, who asked the committee to be permitted to testify. ''It's up to her to document that she's a good person.'' The lieutenant said he based his description of Miss Dohrn as a ''terrorist'' on Congressional reports and other documents that recount the violent acts of the Weather Underground.
When Miss Dohrn surrendered to authorities in 1980, how-ever, she was charged only with participating in a riot in Chi-cago in 1969.
Miss Dohrn, who passed the state bar examination last year, declined to be interviewed while her application was pending. She is working in the Manhattan office of a prominent Chicago-based law firm.
''We're hopeful that they will feel that she has been, what I would call rehabilitated, in the language of the law,'' said Har-old R. Tyler Jr., a former Federal judge who is representing her in the current proceeding.

Hearing Next Month
The Committee on Character and Fitness of Applicants for Admission to the Bar of the First Judicial Department, which covers Manhattan and the Bronx, is expected to conduct another hearing on Miss Dohrn's application next month.
Last year, the committee recommended about 2,000 appli-cants for admission to the bar. Fewer than 1 percent of their ap-plications raised questions deemed serious enough to lead to hearings by the committee.
Its hearings consider whether the problem was isolated, the time that has elapsed since the actions or events that raised the questions and the applicant's record since that period.
The committee's proceedings are confidential. The body is appointed by the Appellate Division of the State Supreme Court, which may accept or reject its recommendations. An ap-plicant who is denied admission by the committee can petition the court for review.

Pleaded Guilty in 1980
Miss Dohrn graduated from the University of Chicago Law School in 1967. After spending 11 years as a fugitive on charges of rioting and related accusations, she surfaced in 1980 and pleaded guilty to two counts of aggravated battery and two counts of bail-jumping stemming from protests against the Vietnam War in 1969. She was fined $1,500 and placed on three years probation.
In 1982, she spent seven months in the Metropolitan Correc-tional Center in Manhattan for refusing to cooperate with a grand jury investigating the 1981 robbery of a Brink's armored truck and murders in Rockland County.
Miss Dohrn's husband is William Ayers, son of a prominent Chicago executive and a former Weather Underground member whom she married during a two-day furlough from prison in 1982.
In deciding to release Miss Dohrn at the end of 1982, Judge Gerard L. Goettel of Federal District Court said there appeared to be no furthur purpose in jailing someone prosecutors had said ''might have been an unwitting facilitator of the criminal activity.''
Mr. Tyler discussed Miss Dohrn's application and the 1982 affidavit, concurred in by him as one of her attorneys and which also said Miss Dohrn ''may well perceive herself as a second Joan of Arc.''
''I wouldn't have put the problem quite the way Don Reuben did,'' Mr. Tyler said, referring to the affidavit's tone. In any case, he added, ''I maintain she has changed. She acts like a per-fectly typical lawyer in a big firm. I would think she would be interested in only great social causes. She's interested in work-ing.''
''I would be very troubled, as to the notion of fairness, if she wasn't made a member of the bar now,'' Mr. Reuben said. ''This country makes a point of looking at people as they are and not visiting upon them their past silliness of their youth.''

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GRAPHIC: Photo of Bernardine Dohrn (UPI)

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Newsweek

November 18, 1985, UNITED STATES EDITION

Dohrn's Radical Departure

SECTION: UPDATE; Pg. 15I

LENGTH: 321 words

Today Bernardine Dohrn, who spent 11 years as a fugitive from justice, wants to go to court -- and the authorities won't let her. Dohrn, 43, passed the New York bar exam last year and works in the Manhattan office of Sidley & Austin, a Chicago law firm. But a state committee that determines an applicant's moral fitness has held up her certification; no one will say when a decision might be reached.
Dohrn joined the radical group SDS soon after getting her law degree from the University of Chicago in 1967. In 1970, as a member of its Weatherman faction, whe was indicted for plot-ting to bomb targets in New York, Detroit, Chicago and Berke-ley. The charges were later dropped, but in 1980 she surren-dered to face other charges stemming from a 1969 political demonstration. She pleaded guilty to striking a Chicago police officer and jumping bail, was fined $1,500 and put on probation -- all the while declaring her opposition to "slavery, genocide and colonialism."
In 1982 Dohrn refused to cooperate with a grand jury inves-tigating the bloody 1981 Brinks armored-truck robbery in Rockland County, N.Y. -- she was suspected of helping the thieves get fake driver's licenses -- and was imprisoned for con-tempt. Her lawyer, Don H. Reuben, sprang her by arguing that incarceration was useless since she was "intractable . . . to the point of fanaticism."
Today one of Dohrn's bosses at Sidley & Austin describes her as "very mature, hard working and quiet." Reuben attributes her apparent turnabout to her age and the responsibilities of child rearing. She and fellow radical William Ayers, 40, lived together for years and married in 1982; they live on Manhat-tan's Upper West Side with their two young sons, Zayd and Me-lik. "I would classify her as a dull Yuppie," Reuben says. "She's totally apolitical. She might be the person selling cook-ies at a PTA meeting -- and she would have baked them."

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

GRAPHIC: Picture, Dohrn with husband Ayers: "Dull Yup-pie"?, UPI -- BETTMANN NEWSPHOTOS

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The New York Times

December 20, 1985, Friday, Late City Final Edition

DOHR IS REJECTED BY A BAR PANEL

SECTION: Section B; Page 2, Column 1; Metropolitan Desk

LENGTH: 314 words

Bernardine Dohrn, the 43-year-old former leader of the Weather Underground, has been rejected for admission to the New York bar, her lawyer said yesterday.
''There is no doubt she was turned down for now,'' said the lawyer, Harold R. Tyler Jr., ''which I hope holds, by implica-tion, the promise that next year she can reapply.
''They feel her record since she came back into normal soci-ety has not convinced them entirely that she's really committed to the practice of law,'' he said. ''She is disappointed. She con-tinues to think she is now qualified and that she presented a good record.''
He said Miss Dohrn ''continues in her effort to be a New York lawyer.''
Last year, the Committee on Character and Fitness of Appli-cants for Admission to the Bar of the First Judicial Department, covering Manhattan and the Bronx, recommended about 2,000 applicants for admission to the bar. The Appellate Division of the State Supreme Court appoints the committee.
Less than 1 percent of the applications had raised problems that, like Miss Dohrn's, were deemed serious enough to lead to hearings by the committee, which weighs whether or not the problem was an isolated one, the time that has elapsed since and the applicant's record during that period.
Miss Dohrn, who is now married and has three children, passed the New York State bar examination last year and has been assisting lawyers in the Manhattan office of a Chicago-based law firm. She graduated from the University of Chicago Law School in 1967.
After 11 years as a fugitive, she surfaced in 1980 and pleaded guilty to aggravated battery and bail-jumping charges stemming from Vietnam War protests in 1969. She was fined $1,500 and put on three years' probation. In 1982, she was jailed for seven months for refusing to cooperate with a grand jury investigating the 1981 Brink's robbery and murders in Rockland County.

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The Associated Press

December 20, 1985, Friday, PM cycle

Dohrn's Bid to Join Bar Rejected

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 185 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

A former leader of the Weather Underground, Bernardine Dohrn, who was a fugitive for 11 years, has been rejected for admission to the New York bar, her lawyer said.
"They feel her record since she came back into normal soci-ety has not convinced them entirely that she's really committed to the practice of law," the lawyer, Harold R. Tyler Jr., said Thursday.
"She is disappointed. She continues to think she is now qualified and that she presented a good record," he said.
Ms. Dorhn, 43, passed the New York state bar exam last year and has been assisting lawyers in the Manhattan office of a Chicago-based law firm. Ms. Dorhn, now married and the mother of three, graduated from the University of Chicago Law School in 1967.
Ms. Dorhn surfaced in 1980 and pleaded guilty to aggra-vated battery and bail-jumping charges stemming from protests against the Vietnam War in 1969. She was put on three years' probation and fined $1,500.
In 1982, she was jailed for seven months for refusing to co-operate with a grand jury investigating the 1981 robbery of a Brink's truck in which guards were slain.

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The Associated Press

December 20, 1985, Friday, AM cycle

People in the News

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 180 words

DATELINE: NEW YORK

Bernardine Dohrn, a well-known radical of the 1960s who was a fugitive for 11 years, has been refused admission to the New York State bar, her lawyer says.
"They feel her record since she came back into normal soci-ety has not convinced them entirely that she's really committed to the practice of law," the lawyer, Harold R. Tyler Jr., said Thursday.
Ms. Dorhn, 43, passed the New York bar exam last year and has been assisting lawyers in the Manhattan office of a Chi-cago-based law firm. Ms. Dorhn, now married and the mother of three, graduated from the University of Chicago Law School in 1967.
She became a leader of the Weather Underground, which turned to violence in its fight against the Vietnam War and other social grievances.
Ms. Dorhn surfaced in 1980 and pleaded guilty to aggra-vated battery and bail-jumping charges stemming from 1969 anti-war protests. She was put on three years' probation and fined $1,500. In 1982, she was jailed for seven months for re-fusing to cooperate with a grand jury investigating the bloody October 1981 Brink's robbery.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

GRAPHIC: Laserphoto NY44

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The Washington Post

December 21, 1985, Saturday, Final Edition

Personalities

BYLINE: By Lisa Serene Gelb

SECTION: Style; E3

LENGTH: 833 words

Country singer Johnny Paycheck was charged yesterday with shooting Larry Wise in a dispute at an Ohio tavern. Pay-check, 44, was arraigned in Hillsboro, Ohio, Municipal Court on a charge of felonious assault and jailed in lieu of $25,000 bond, officials said.
Police Capt. Kenny Cumberland said Paycheck shot Wise with a small-caliber pistol at about 11:30 p.m. Thursday and then fled. He was arrested the following morning. Paycheck, a native of nearby Greenfield, Ohio, is best known for his 1978 hit, "Take This Job and Shove It."
Cumberland said Wise was released after treatment at High-land District Hospital. A police spokesman said officers are in-vestigating the shooting and do not know why it occurred.

The Trouble With 'Purple'
Steven Spielberg's "The Color Purple," which opened in Washington yesterday, is being criticized by some blacks who say the movie degrades them. "It portrays blacks in an ex-tremely negative light," said Kwazi Geiggar of the Coalition Against Black Exploitation, a 20-member group that monitors films and television shows with black themes. "It degrades the black man, it degrades black children, it degrades the black family."
The film, based on the novel by Alice Walker, is already be-ing touted as an Oscar nominee, but not everyone views the movie so favorably. The portrayal of black men was "very stereotypical," said Willis Edwards, president of the Holly-wood-Beverly Hills branch of the NAACP. "We're happy that a lot of actors who happen to be black got to work and they did a fantastic job," Edwards said. "But for the black male, the movie is very degrading."
However, Los Angeles Assemblywoman Maxine Waters, a black who helped organize a special screening of the movie for the Black Women's Forum, said she found no fault with the film. "That movie could have been about any color," she said.
Attempts to reach Spielberg were referred to Rob Friedman, vice president of worldwide publicity at Warner Bros., who dis-counted any black community discord. "Only 20 people in the whole country does not a controversy make," said Friedman. Antiapartheid Donation
Rock singer and antiapartheid activist "Little Steven" Van Zandt handed over checks totaling $50,000 from his "Sun City" royalties to Coretta Scott King Thursday in Atlanta. The dona-tion will go to the Africa Fund, a nonprofit organization that will use the money to help political prisoners and their families, exiles and educational programs.
Van Zandt, the former guitarist for Bruce Springsteen's E Street Band, put together the "Sun City" antiapartheid record and video. It features rock, jazz and soul artists singing in pro-test of performers who have appeared in Sun City, an opulent resort in South Africa.

End Notes
Today marks the fifth anniversary of the day Martha (Sunny) von Bu low, 53, a Pittsburgh utilities heiress, lapsed into a deep coma that doctors say is irreversible. She lies in a New York hospital bed. On June 10, her husband Claus was ac-quitted of two counts of attempted murder. Authorities accused him of causing his wife's current coma as well as an earlier one, in December 1979, from which she recovered . . .
The American Museum of Natural History in New York has received an early Christmas present: A 21,327-carat topaz from Brazil, believed to be the largest cut gem in the world, arrived at the museum Thursday. The gem, called the "Brazilian Prin-cess," was given to the museum by an anonymous donor last month and will be placed on display in January . . .
Former Weather Underground leader Bernardine Dohrn has been denied admission to the New York bar. Dohrn, 43, who was on the FBI's "10 Most Wanted" list, surrendered in 1980 and was fined and placed on probation after conviction on charges stemming from violent protest to the Vietnam war. She was later jailed for refusing to help in a Brinks robbery investi-gation. "She is disappointed," said Harold R. Tyler Jr, one of her lawyers. "She continues to think she is now qualified and that she presents a good record." Dohrn has been a clerk in a Manhattan law office . . .
Former Massachusetts senator Paul Tsongas said yesterday from his home that he may write a novel while he recuperates from his lymph cancer, and is happy with the decision he made to retire from the Senate this year. Tsongas, 44, was released Wednesday from Boston's Dana Farber Cancer Institute after 10 days spent trying to gain back the 18 pounds he had lost since October.
"When I left the Senate, people could not believe it, yet this year has been happier than any six years I spent in the Senate," he said. "Normalcy after 15 years of fishbowl existence is mar-velous. There has not been one moment of wishing I had run again. But the other part of it is simply financial. Unless you're independently wealthy, politics is an enormous financial strain." Tsongas, a lawyer, plans to return to work Monday at the Bos-ton firm of Foley, Hoag and Eliot. "The vacation is over," he said.

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1985 The Washington Post






73 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Associated Press

August 12, 1988, Friday, AM cycle

People in the News

SECTION: Domestic News

LENGTH: 238 words

DATELINE: CHICAGO

Bernardine Dohrn says she has few regrets about her activ-ist past, though she concedes the political movement of the 1960s was occasionally fraught with "arrogance, sexism and racism."
"I was determined not to be like my mother's generation," Dohrn, former leader of the Weather Underground and once listed on the FBI's "10 Most Wanted" list, told an audience Thursday at the downtown Cultural Center. She said she had wanted "no marriage, no children."
But Dohrn's views have mellowed since she spent 11 years in hiding and served a seven-month prison term for refusing to cooperate with a grand jury investigation of a 1981 Brink's ar-mored truck robbery in which three people were killed.
Dohrn, 46, has married and has three children. She lives in Chicago, working for children's welfare issues, with her hus-band, William Ayers, also a onetime member of the Weather Underground who is now a teacher of education at the Univer-sity of Illinois at Chicago.
"Remembering the past is a more revealing process than studying the present," Dohrn told her audience. "The appeal of the '60s protest movement comes from a simple notion _ that what you do makes a difference."
But Dohrn said radical movements she was involved in were often "chaotic, inconsistent and messy.
"In our militancy and intensity, we somehow lost hold of what brought us into the movement in the first place _ a spirit of unity and democracy."

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

Copyright 1988 Associated Press
All Rights Reserved






74 of 74 DOCUMENTS

The Jerusalem Post

August 3, 1990, Friday

THE LAST REVOLUTIONARY

BYLINE: Patricia Golan

SECTION: Features

LENGTH: 3238 words

HIGHLIGHT: SHE STILL signs her letters, "Venceremos, Susan Rosenberg." The old slogan of the Cuban revolution - We shall overcome - seems ironic today, but not to this woman whose political beliefs have led her to a direct confrontation with the U.S. government and the prospect of virtual life im-prisonment.

SHE STILL signs her letters, "Venceremos, Susan Rosenberg." The old slogan of the Cuban revolution - We shall overcome - seems ironic today, but not to this woman whose political beliefs have led her to a direct confrontation with the U.S. government and the prospect of virtual life imprisonment.
"I don't consider myself an extraordinary person at all," Susan Lisa Rosenberg declares, "but I do believe that my com-rades and I made extraordinary decisions. If I represent any-thing, it may be something a little different from what a North American Jewish woman generally grows up to be."
Rosenberg, 35, is on the far left of the political spectrum, and has been a self-proclaimed revolutionary since the late 1970s. Her path of dissent against government policies has pro-voked an extraordinary reaction on the part of judicial and law-enforcement authorities.
Her photo, appearing in a series of head-shots under the banner WANTED! , shows a smiling, pretty young woman with curly hair and gold hoop earrings.
"These fugitives are dangerous and may be armed," reads the caption in a lurid 1984 Reader's Digest article, "Terror Net-work, U.S.A." The article discusses "self-styled revolutionaries engaged in a war on American society."
How did a "nice" middle-class Jewish girl end up on the FBI's most-wanted list? How did she end up living under-ground as a fugitive for nearly three years?
Like chasing a shadow, it is difficult, if not impossible, to understand who Susan Rosenberg is. She is both literally and figuratively locked up.
ON NOVEMBER 29, 1984, Rosenberg was arrested at a warehouse in Cherry Hill, New Jersey. She was moving "com-bat materiel" into a storage bin with an accomplice, Timothy Blunk, when they were approached by a policeman. Unable to repeat the birth date on her stolen ID, she was handcuffed and arrested.
In the spring of 1985, Rosenberg and Blunk were tried and convicted on eight counts of illegal weapons possession. They were sentenced to 58 years each - the longest sentence ever handed down in the U.S. for weapons possession.
In April 1988, Rosenberg, still considered by law-enforcement authorities dangerous to U.S. security, sat mana-cled and shackled behind a plexiglass wall in a Washington courtroom. Along with five other defendants (Alan Berkman, Tim Blunk, Marilyn Buck, Linda Evans and Laura Whitehorn), who also had long histories of radical political activism, Rosenberg was indicted again. This time she was accused of complicity in a series of bombings in 1983 in and around Wash-ington, following the U.S. invasion of Grenada.
Seven defendants (one had eluded the FBI net) were charged, among other things, with "engaging in a conspiracy to resist foreign and domestic policies of the United States gov-ernment." The defendants' attorneys maintain the "Capitol Bombing Trial," which has still not begun, is politically moti-vated.
Rosenberg remains in a detention centre in Washington pending completion of the bombing trial. She has already served over five years of her weapons-possession sentence elsewhere, much of it in isolation.
IT'S A LONG way from the Washington, D.C. jail to Can-dlewood Lake, a serene, woodsy haven near Danbury, Con-necticut, where Dr. Emmanuel and Bella Rosenberg have had their summer home for 21 years. A semi-retired dentist, the 72-year-old Emmanuel Rosenberg keeps up his practice two days a week at his Manhattan clinic. Bella Rosenberg was a theatrical producer.
Today, most of their energies are taken up with rallying sup-port for their only child, and with fighting each legal battle as it comes up.
"It's a matter of principle," says Bella Rosenberg simply.
Matters of principle were part of the Rosenberg household when Susan was growing up on Manhattan's affluent Upper West Side, and Emmanuel Rosenberg has moments when he blames himself for the path his daughter took.
"We were always liberal, always into causes, taking part in civil-rights demonstrations and anti-war marches," he recalls. "Susan asked to go with me even though she was only 11 or 12 at the time. I never pressured her."
Susan attended Walden, a progressive private school. She proved a gifted child with a talent for singing and acting (she appeared in a montage scene in Taking Off, an early film by Milos Forman), and was an accomplished athlete and a straight-A student.
Politics were her passion from an early age. At 11 she wrote a paper on the effects of McCarthyism, and at 17 she went to Cuba with an American youth work brigade.
She was accepted at New York's Barnard College after 11th grade. Then, declaring Barnard too isolated and protected, she transferred to City College where she earned a degree in his-tory.
After college she became a drug counsellor at Lincoln Hos-pital in the Bronx, in a programme run by the Black Panthers and by a group of Puerto Rican revolutionaries called the Young Lords. She then studied for three years to become a doctor of Chinese acupuncture and holistic medicine.
Throughout the late 1970s she was deeply involved in radi-cal politics, or what was left of radical politics in the Reagan era. Rosenberg managed to seek out and join such outfits as the New Afrikan and Puerto Rican independence movements, and the May 19 Communist Organization, an offshoot group of the notorious Weather Underground. (May 19 is the birthday of both Ho Chi Minh and Malcolm X. )
ROSENBERG'S problems with the law began in October 1981, when a Brink's armoured truck was held up in Nyack, New Jersey, allegedly by members of groups known as the Black Liberation Army and the Revolutionary Armed Task Force. In the shoot-out, one Brink's guard and two policemen were killed. At the time, Rosenberg was working in a radical health centre in Harlem using acupuncture to treat drug addicts.
The Brink's case would prove a turning point in the U.S. government's efforts to eliminate the last pockets of 1960s-style radicalism. Through concerted efforts by various law-enforcement agencies, anyone who had ever associated with the groups involved was rounded up or issued a grand jury sub-poena.
Suspects included members of a long list of radical groups, including May 19. Susan Rosenberg was on the list.
Some suspects went to jail rather than face questioning by the grand jury. Although she denied taking part in the heist, Rosenberg chose to go underground.
"I did not believe I or anyone else could get a fair trial, given the incredible hysteria generated by the FBI around the case," she says today.
The indictments linking Rosenberg to the Brink's shoot-out were eventually dropped. But references to the original indict-ment persistently appear in subsequent documents and reports.
Since litigation in her case continues, she will not discuss her two years as a fugitive. What is clear is that having previ-ously worked with various "liberation" and "anti-imperialist" groups, she was drawn further into clandestine political activi-ties while living underground.
Letters written by Rosenberg and Blunk, which were confis-cated by the authorities from a "safe house," indicated a life of combat training combined with rounds of Marxist-Leninist self-criticism designed to help place the collective before the self, and "to put the revolutionary struggle first for your whole life ..."
But Rosenberg was functioning in a void; there was no revo-lutionary movement. While she was underground, nearly all the members of her "clandestine resistance" were jailed, many for conspiracy in the Brink's robbery. In any event, Rosenberg remained out of sight. Until the fateful night in 1984 when she was arrested at the arms warehouse.
AT THEIR weapons-possession trial, Rosenberg and Blunk, acting as their own attorneys, tried to introduce a political de-fence. They described themselves as "resistance fighters" in a "revolutionary struggle against U.S. imperialism." They also attempted to interrogate government agents and reveal Ameri-can war crimes, citing international law which gives citizens the right to resist war crimes of their own nation. Among other things, their brief outlined U.S. "crimes of colonialism" against Puerto Rico and "genocide" against American Indians.
They seemed to think the jury and public would see the mo-rality of their guns and dynamite, but the judge refused to allow this line of defence.
The trial was conducted in an atmosphere of bizarre political theatre that harked back to the days of the Yippie trial that fol-lowed the 1968 Democratic National Party convention in Chi-cago. Friends appeared in court wearing keffiyehs and raising clenched fists. Blunk kept his feet on the table, to show they had been shackled and that he and Rosenberg did not recognize the court's authority.
Following their sentencing, Rosenberg proclaimed, "Long live the armed struggle. By taking up armed action to attack South Africa, the United States military, the war profiteers and the police, we begin to enact proletarian internationalism."
Clearly Rosenberg prejudiced her case by insisting on this line of defence. "She wasn't sentenced for anything she did," comments her attorney Mary O'Melveny, "It was for what she said."
Even with all the theatrics, the severity of the sentences - 58 years with a recommendation of no parole - shocked the legal community. The sentence was 16 times longer than the average sentence meted out to weapons-possession offenders, and twice the average in the Federal Courts for first-degree murders.
Experts often cite the earlier Weather Underground for comparison, whose members, though admitting to bombings, were rarely, if ever, convicted of anything.
In the early 1970s, for example, Weather Underground leader Bernadine Dohrn sent a communique to the authorities declaring she was responsible for a bombing, but she was never charged. Cathy Wilkerson, another Weather Underground member, served only three years for possession of explosives.
"In 1970 the Weather Underground Organization bombed the U.S. Capitol - no one ever served a day in jail for it," Rosenberg says bitterly. "Now we are charged with bombing the Capitol and are called 'the most dangerous terrorists in America.' "
ALTHOUGH both her parents come from Orthodox homes, they raised their daughter in a secular environment. Since her imprisonment Rosenberg has begun a return to Judaism. Con-sistent with radical left philosophy, she remains "a committed anti-Zionist." She says her religious impulses and reaffirmation of her Jewish identity are connected to the "profound" an-tisemitism she has encountered in prison and at the hands of law enforcement officials.
Carrying false identification at the time of her arrest, Rosenberg refused to reveal her true identity. She says the po-lice then called in FBI agents, one of whom looked at her and told the police officer, "That bitch is a kike. Go check the re-cords for a name."
"When I heard that," Rosenberg recalls today, "I knew that I was at the beginning of a whole new stage of my life."
Although she was aware of her Jewishness, and as a student of history knew something about the story of the Jews, it was only in prison that she began to understand what being a Jew meant to her.
"Antisemitism in prison is really extreme," she says, "more than I ever experienced growing up in New York. This has really pushed me, along with my own internal processes, to fight very hard to be a Jew in prison."
Rosenberg has done most of her time at a high-security fa-cility for women at the Federal Correctional Institute in Lexing-ton, Kentucky. Her struggles in prison to be allowed to practise Judaism have, she acknowledges, been problematical, since "my experience as a political prisoner has been defined by be-ing in isolation. To me practising Judaism is a community ex-perience, but nevertheless I have tried to do it on my own."
The authorities in Lexington, for example, would not allow her to take part in the prison Seder, since that would have meant her joining the general population. But during her second year at Lexington she was granted permission to light a hanukkia.
"We were in court by then, so they were litigation-responsive," she recalls with irony. "It was a strange scene. They locked me in a library and left the menorah there with the right number of candles each night. Every single night a ser-geant would come and interrupt me to make sure I wasn't set-ting fire to the books. As I was leaving, he said, 'Are you fin-ished with your religious mumbo-jumbo?' "
Rosenberg is convinced that prison authorities view her re-quests to practise Judaism as a ploy.
"I can't tell you how totally enraging that is to me - being Jewish is just part of who I am," she says. "There are not many Jewish women in U.S. prisons, so I am a rarity for many rea-sons. At first it would bother me when they'd yell 'Rosenberg!' (in a deprecating tone) at me, and now I'm just glad."
Rosenberg served 20 months of her sentence in isolation at a special section in Lexington for political prisoners.
Described by Amnesty International as "deliberately and gratuitously oppressive" and by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) as "a living tomb," this underground section of the prison had been specificially designed as a control unit for women convicted of politically motivated crimes. The unit was later ordered closed by a federal district judge - a decision sub-sequently overturned by the U.S. Court of Appeals.
The women were kept in isolation in small, starkly lit cells, and were monitored even while they took showers. They were subjected to random strip searches, kept awake for long periods and denied medical treatment. All the women suffered physical and psychological deterioration.
A documentary feature on the prison and its inmates, Through the Wire, by filmmaker Nina Rosenblum, won first prize in the 1990 New York Documentary Film Festival and at the Berlin Documentary Film Festival.
"I HAVE always had a profound respect for human life," Rosenberg stated in an affidavit appealing her sentence, an ap-peal that was twice rejected.
"I've never hurt anyone in my life," Rosenberg says, "and I would never endorse a political strategy that calls for the en-dangerment of human life. That's why we go crazy when they call us terrorists."
From what she now says, Rosenberg's views have changed. "I have come to see you can't force a revolution on this country, and you can't resist repression with dogma," she says.
Those who have met Rosenberg are powerfully affected by her. There is a tendency, among those familiar with her case, to idealize her, to speak of her in terms of near martyrdom.
In a letter written on Rosenberg's behalf to the sentencing judge, requesting her sentence be commuted, author Doris Schwerin said, "I would stake my own life on the certainty that Susan Rosenberg is a garden to be saved, that she may save others."
"Sometimes in my fantasy life I think of having a daughter and how that would be," Rosenberg wrote in a letter. "I know I wouldn't impose my choices or politics on her because that never works."*
(Box) Speaking from prison
ALTHOUGH THIN and pale, the woman escorted in by a prison guard for our interview was good-looking and self-assured, with magnetic green eyes and an unwavering presence. At times, however, she spoke with despair. Yet Susan Rosenberg still clung to the slogans and images of the revolu-tionary movement.
Susan Rosenberg: I am not a prisoner of conscience. For all of us here, it is our political beliefs that have led us to take ac-tion that put us into antagonistic conflict with the government. My ideas led to certain actions that led to this ongoing conflict with the government.
Patricia Golan: Can you say what those things were?
SR: Not really; but I don't accept (the government's) pa-rameters of what is acceptable opposition. I believe that when our country commits crimes against humanity, which I do be-lieve this country has done, particularly in Central America, it is our responsibility to try and stop those crimes.
PG: Do you regard yourself as a revolutionary?
SR: Yes, but not a terrorist. Terrorism is the infliction of terror on an innocent civilian population ... it is a political strategy among populations who have no other viable means with which to make their demands. But this is not something I support. Terrorism is a terrible thing, and I think that state ter-rorism is a far greater problem in the world.
If we were living in a Third World country we wouldn't be having this conversation (about my motivations), because the choices would be logical, obvious conclusions.
PG: If you were in a Third World country you wouldn't be alive.
SR: Yes, I agree with you, I do believe that. But I am an in-ternationalist and do not look at the world only through white middle-class eyes. My choices aren't so different from the rest of the world. When you believe that you have more to win by challenging the status quo, that puts you in a minority and you pay a price. You are marginalized from mainstream society.
PG: You praise your parents for their strong social commit-ment. Did you ever make the connection between being Jewish and having a certain social responsibility?
SR: This was more implicit than explicit; but I think that having a social conscience - fighting for equality and justice - these things were very much in my consciousness. My parents were social activists in their own right, and were very clear in imparting this to me, although they never pushed anything.
I was raised to believe in a lot of values - American democ-racy, the home of the free - and the older I got I saw the great gap between what I had in my own life and what others had, and it seemed wrong. Even as a very young person the desire for justice was what motivated me absolutely, and I do connect this in a certain respect with Judaism. My parents are represen-tative of the best in our society. I rejected the privileges of my class, I never rejected being Jewish.
But with regard to the Middle East, I was very distraught over what had happened to the Palestinians, from a Jewish point of view. When I went to college, Meir Kahane's supporters would demonstrate, and there would be Jews on both sides. I was called a 'self-hating Jew.' I'm not that at all, I embrace be-ing a Jew.
I look at the radical stream of Judaism and I feel connected to that - I indentify with that tradition. When I was in high school I read and studied everything by Emma Goldman. She was a woman who was really ahead of her time.
PG: How aware were you of Jewish history, of the Holo-caust?
SR: I knew, of course, but I don't think I took it seriously be-fore prison. You'd think that when you're put into an experi-ence of psychological torture (as was the case in Lexington) you wouldn't want to read about other forms of torture, but in fact the opposite was true. I wanted to study as much as I could.
One night the film Shoah was being shown on television. The three of us watched the TV from our separate cells, and we could yell at each other. It was a very curious situation to see it under those conditions, and it started me reading - Primo Levi, Martin Gilbert, and others.*

LOAD-DATE: May 7, 1991

LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

GRAPHIC: Illustration: 4 photos; Caption: No captions (1-2. Photo of Susan Rosenberg superimposed on photo of her and others holding weapons, with American flag superimposed. 3. Photo of Susan Rosenberg superimposed on American flag. 4. Photo of Susan Rosenberg's hands handcuffed.) Credit: 1.-3. Barry Sheridon.

Copyright 1990 The Jerusalem Post




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