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Der Spiegel: How Kostunica [and Djindjic!] Came to Power

The media is now praising Zoran Djindjic, the recently assassinated Serbian politician, as a great democrat and leader of the 'independent' anti-Milosevic opposition. But two years ago a German magazine wrote that the U.S. and Germany made the opposition's decisions & paid the bills!

Comments by Jared Israel, plus Further Reading.

[Originally posted 10 July 2001. Posted with new comments 16 March 2003]


Following these comments are excerpts from an article on how Vojislav Kostunica became President of Yugoslavia. It appeared in the German publication, Der Spiegel, on 9 October 2000. The article was posted in German at,1518,97117,00.html

The main Yugoslav ally of Vojislav Kostunica in his campaign for Yugoslav President, and in carrying out the coup d'etat that actually made him President, was Zoran Djindjic, the recently assassinated Prime Minister of Serbia.

Kostunica always played the Good Cop and Djindjic played the Bad Cop, but the NATO countries paid the bills when they took their show on the road. Because, as Der Spiegel indicates, the coup d'etat which drove elected officials out of office all over Yugoslavia and installed these men, was financed from the U.S., Germany and other Western powers.

How much money flowed into the hands of the 'independent' opposition? Der Spiegel says $30 million. That's low. As of September 19, 2000, the Washington Post wrote that $77 million had been delivered. And mind you, that was still three weeks before the coup. [1]

The New York Times reported that "suitcases of cash" were being shipped across the border into Serbia. [2]

The Yugoslav government publicly accused the Norwegian ambassador of handing out wads of cash to opponents of Milosevic. [3]

The truth is, we don't know how much was spent by German, U.S., Norwegian and other Western government agencies, covert, semi-covert and public, as well as private and semi-private foundations and NGOs, to overthrow Milosevic.

Perhaps nobody knows the full extent.

But we can be reasonably certain that the Der Spiegel figure of $30 million is less than half the actual amount. And that, of course, doesn't count various kinds of training, nor does it take into account earlier funding, such as purchasing equipment and supplies for newspapers and radio and TV stations, which took place in the late 1990s. [4]

In an interview with the New York Times, Kostunica admitted that some of his backers unconsciously "work for American imperial goals." [2]

A quaint formulation, coming from someone who had received $77 million or more from the countries who bombed Yugoslavia.

To get an idea of the impact of that much cash, let us compare Yugoslavia to the U.S. First, multiply $77 million by 30, to account for the population difference. Then multiply by ten, to account for the pay differential. So we have $77 million - or, very likely, more - multiplied by 300. Something in the vicinity of 20 *billion* USD.

That could buy a lot of interference.

Since Western funding installed Kostunica as President of Yugoslavia and Zoran Djindjic as Prime Minister of Serbia it not surprising that Western politicians and the media praise the late Mr. Djindjic as a great and - have they no shame? - independent leader.

We don't know who killed him but we sure know who is lying about him.

I urge you to follow up some of the links posted under Further Reading, after the Der Spiegel text. They will help you understand our Empire.

Here's the translation from Der Spiegel.

-- Jared Israel
16 March 2003


"Helping the Revolution"

'Der Spiegel' #41/2000 (9.10.2000)
Translated by Emperor's Clothes

"For months the federal government of Germany has discretely and purposefully supported the Serbian opposition against Milosevic."

(...) "Massive political and material support from Berlin - as well as other western capitals - contributed to the fact that opposition groups and parties could develop the strength to force Milosevic to give up and take the government themselves."

(...) "December 17 last year, [German Minister of Foreign Affairs]Fischer and [US Secretary of State] Albright met the most well known Yugoslav opposition figures in a windowless room of the Interconti Hotel on Budapest St. in Berlin on the fringes of the G-8 meeting. Among the participants was Zoran Djindjic and Vuk Draskovic, both Milosevic opponents who had never been able to unite for any length of time. A participant of the meeting says now, 'the opposition was given a thourough balling out.'

"The Milosevic opponents who were really willing to cooperate agreed on Kostunica, until then largely unknown, as the presidential candidate.The discussion group withdrew any support for the unpredictable populist Draskovic."

(...) "On election day the opposition was so well equipped and organized that it was in a better position to supervise the results than Milosevic. Election helpers monitored the counting of the votes in 180 of approximately 9,200 polling stations and sent the results over their own radio network to the head office of the opposition."

"Approximately $30 million, predominantly from America, were channeled into the country via an office in Budapest, in order to equip the opposition for the election campaign with computers, telephones and office materials. Hundreds of election helpers were trained abroad for these tasks." [2]

"On a large scale and "very very clandestinely" according to [BalkanStability Pact director] Bodo Hombach, the oppositional media was also supported. Journals were given paper so that they could even be published. Smaller publications were even furnished a new printing press in the publishing houses. Radio and TV stations were furnished modern broadcasting equipment. (...)

"Officially the aid to the media was carried by the Deutsche Welle, the Zweite Deutsche Fernsehen (Channel 2) and the Bayrische Rundfunk(Bavarian Broadcasting). The financial aid was furnished mostly from the Federal Press Office in Berlin. Approx. 4 million DM has been given by Germany since the end of last year for outfitting the oppositional and independent [sic!] media in Yugoslavia. The Deutsche Welle invested another 10 million DM alone in 1999 in order to further enhance their program in the local Yugoslav languages. (...)" [5]


* Further Reading Follows the Appeal *


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Further Reading


[1] "U.S. Funds Help Milosevic's Foes in Election Fight" by John Lancaster, Washington Post Staff Writer; The Washington Post
September 19, 2000, Tuesday, Final Edition; A SECTION; Pg. A01

[2] The 'suitcases of cash' quote comes from a New York Times article in which Vojislav Kostunica admitted that 'some' of his backers, who received said cash, were maybe perhaps furthering U.S. Imperial goals. How astute!

Despite Kostunica's admission, the Western media continued to salute his 'unblemished record'. See 'Kostunica: some backers 'work for American Imperial goals'' at

The mass media has been virtually unanimous in telling us that Mr. Kostunica was uninvolved in kidnapping President Milosevic; indeed, that he was opposed. Not so, says evidence in the public record, inconveniently recalled in 'The Treason of Vojislav Kostunica,' at

[3] On 4 October 2000, the day before a Western-sponsored coup overthrew the Milosevic government, the Yugoslav government issued a document charging Western governments with gross interference in the internal affairs of their country, a thing illegal under the quaint restrictions of international law. The entire document can be read at

Below is an excerpt from that document, dealing with the behavior of the Norwegian Embassy.

[Start excerpt from Yugoslav document]

Memorandum On Foreign Interference In The Yugoslav Elections

A week before the elections, the Charge d'Affaires of the Royal Norwegian Embassy in Belgrade handed out cash funds in Deutsche marks to students and young people in several towns in Serbia, thus directly promoting the cause of the opposition.

The so-called independent media and the statements made by the Norwegian Charge bear witness to it. Such conduct by the Norwegian Charge, as an abuse of the hospitality of the Yugoslav Government, contradicts his diplomatic functions, whereas giving bribe[s] is punishable by law in all countries of the world.

The Charge was twice officially warned (on 30 August and on 22 September 2000) in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that such activity is a flagrant interference in internal affairs and a gross violation of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. He was asked not to do so and to channel all assistance in accordance with the agreements and the normal practice existing in co-operation among sovereign States, via competent Government authorities, which the Charge completely ignored.

[End excerpt from Yugoslav document]

[4] See, 'U.S. Arrogance and Yugoslav Elections,' by Jared Israel and Nico Varkevisser at

[5] Otpor was one of the groups most active in backing Kostunica's candidacy. It also provided shock troops for the coup, 5 October 2000. In 'Otpor is an American Tragedy,' Jared Israel argued that Otpor was financed and manipulated by the U.S. foreign policy Establishment. The opposite view was taken by some supposed opponents of U.S. policy, most notably the supporters of Noam Chomsky, who hailed Otpor. Israel's article can be read at

Two years ago, the National Endowment for Democracy, a U.S. government organization set up to finance and control Fifth Column groups in other countries, boasted that it had funded Otpor since the summer of 1999. See "Faces of the Serbian Enemy," at
[Emperor's Clothes]