for this article is http://emperors-clothes.com/docs/justice.htm
[Note - for pictures of the massive demonstration the day after Slobodan Milosevic was kidnapped, go to http://emperors-clothes.com/petition/j29.htm ]
On its Eleventh Anniversary...
Address of Mr. Zivadin Jovanovic, Vice-president of the Head Committee, Acting President of the Socialist Party of Serbia at the solemn session of the Head Committee, on July 16, 2001
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Esteemed members of the Diplomatic Corps,
The Socialist Party of Serbia was formed eleven years ago.
It has existed during a period of dramatic historic events that have wiped out many positive results of the First and Second World Wars, with tragic consequences.
The opening and deepening of the Yugoslav crisis and the violent secession of former Yugoslav republics were directed primarily against the Serbian people. Europe has trampled the very basis of its stability, the principle of non-violability of internationally recognized borders. Europe has legitimized separatism. Russia has allowed it to happen.
Today this is coming back to haunt the world in the form of spreading separatism, terrorism and the rapid growth of international crime. We can see this growth of crime from Chechnya to the Caspian, the Bosphorus, in Kosovo and Metohia, from Macedonia to Gibraltar and Afghanistan, and via Suez and Magreb to the North Atlantic.
For years our people were exposed to the most massive violations of basic human rights and to genocide. On one side there was the violent fragmentation of the Serbian national body. Vast numbers of Serbs were expelled from centuries-old homesteads. Millions became refugees. On the other side, there were sanctions that denied a normal existence to millions of citizens and refugees.
For many wise men in Europe and the world this was seen as revenge for the role played and the contribution made by Serbia and the Serbian people at fateful moments in European history.
The SPS played the key role in 1992 in constituting the Federal republic of Yugoslavia as the state of continuity and as a community-union of equal citizens of the republics of Serbia and Montenegro. That was a natural role and obligation for a popularly based, progressive party with a national vision and responsibilities, reacting to separatism, to the crushing of the Serbian people and to the re-tailoring of this exceptionally important geopolitical area. At the same time it was an expression of a policy of regional peace and stability that could hardly be possible without a state uniting Serbia and Montenegro.
The constructive and responsible policy of the SPS was confirmed by the role played by the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in finding a peaceful political solution for the civil war in Bosnia & Herzegovina. It is today an irrefutable historical fact that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia made the most important contribution to achieving the Dayton-Paris Agreement.
The alternative would have been a drastic escalation of war.
The crucial leadership in halting this conflict was provided by the founder and president of the SPS, Slobodan Milosevic. It is because of his contribution as president of the Republic of Serbia and head of the Yugoslav negotiating delegation in 1995 that today there is peace and relative stability in Bosnia & Herzegovina. These achievements are today jeopardized by these who in the name of some 'international community' hinder and distort the implementation of the Dayton-Paris Agreement and attempt to revise that Agreement to the detriment of the Republic of Srpska and the Serbian people.
In the Program adopted by the SPS in 1992, and in its practice, our Party has fashioned itself as a modern party of the Left. The SPS is committed to the strengthening and overall progress of Serbia and Yugoslavia, for Kosovo and Metohia to be integral parts of Serbia, for peace in the Balkans and for Yugoslavia's integration and overall cooperation with its neighbors, and with Europe, Russia, the USA, China, India and all other countries.
Our platform of cooperation is simple: equality and non-interference.
The accusation that the SPS is a party suited only to isolation and confrontation is not only baseless, but made with malicious intent by those whose own "Europeanism" is expressed through their daily sell-off of vital national and state interests.
The best evidence that the SPS is open towards its neighbors and the entire world is the fact that the SPS maintains regular contacts and cooperation with over 130 parties and movements in the Balkans, Europe and worldwide. As the party in power, the SPS, through the Federal government, made possible the maintenance of diplomatic relations and cooperation with over 170 countries. A system of close to 3000 international agreements functioned in continuity, including those that the Kingdom of Serbia had concluded with Western countries at the end of 19th century.
The Government concluded or maintained agreements abolishing visas with many countries, normalizing relations with the former Yugoslav republics, maintaining a free trade zone with Macedonia and the Russian federation involving favorable credits and favorable terms amounting to over 2 billion German marks, and many other agreements affecting economics, investment, traffic and culture.
The vast majority of UN member countries gave their support to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, including its right to continuity of membership in the World Organization. That's why the attempts of the former US administration and the so-called 'Croatian initiative' to expel Yugoslavia from the UN could not succeed.
But what our adversaries could not do was done for them by the new 'democratic' authorities in Belgrade. As soon as they took over, by a stroke of the pen they eliminated our country as a founding member of the World Organization, submitting a request to be admitted as a new member - the 189th!
Very quickly these new authorities violated the Constitution, humiliated the National Assembly and by the zeal of their subservience surprised even the order-givers from the outgoing Clinton administration. History and the people shall assess and suffer the consequences of that drastic decline in the dignity of our state.
NATO's armed aggression in 1999 was recognized by the world as a dangerous violation of the basic principles of international relations and the UN Charter and a blow to the foundations of the international legal order. It was a crime against peace and humanity executed by an unprecedented alliance of the mightiest military machinery in human history working with an openly terrorist organization, the so-called KLA.
It shall remain as a record of the utmost cynicism that this aggression, in the course of which about 3000 of our citizens were killed, in which radiation and other forbidden weapons were used, and which inflicted war damages exceeding 100 billion dollars, was given the name: "Operation Merciful Angel."
The NATO criminals created the show in Rambouillet and stage-managed the "Racak Massacre," but their masks of 'mercy' fell away during the aggression. They destroyed our bridges, our children's schools, our TV broadcast facilities; they bombed columns of refugees and the homes of ordinary people. They sent cluster bombs and cruise missiles encased in depleted uranium to blow up our hospitals.
And all the while they spoke of the protection of human rights and democracy.
After the aggression, Albanian terrorists were sent from Kosovo and Metohia into other areas of Serbia and then into Macedonia. This has shown even many people who were poorly informed that NATO is using the Balkans as a testing ground for new doctrines and new weapons, for the intimidation of all peoples who will not accept neo-imperialism and who dare to confront hegemonies.
Yugoslavia defended its freedom. It did so decisively. It will be written in history that Yugoslavia stunned the world with its courage, its unity and its patriotism.
This resistance enabled the world to understand the real nature of NATO.
NATO's aggression was ended by UN Security Council resolution 1244/99. This Resolution explicitly guaranteed the territorial integrity of the FRY. It guaranteed that Kosovo and Metohia would be an autonomous part of Serbia providing security and the equal enjoyment of human rights to all citizens and all communities, regardless of ethnicity, culture or religion.
These conditions under which the war ended constitute guarantees by the World organization. No one has the right to diminish the importance of these facts, and especially not to allow developments and situations contrary to this UN document.
The Serbian and Yugoslav powers-that-be have no authority to make a single concession to the detriment of the Serbian people, or to the integrity and sovereignty of Serbia and Yugoslavia. They bear the responsibility for accepting the so-called Haekkerup's "Constitutional Framework" that both formally and in essence violates Security Council Resolution 1244. The Belgrade authorities are responsible for accepting the setting-up of customs stations in Kosovo, for doing nothing to facilitate the safe and free return of several hundred thousand expelled Serbs, Roma, Gorani, Muslims and other non-Albanian peoples, for doing nothing regarding the more than 1300 citizens who are missing, most likely kidnapped, and about 1300 who have been killed since the deployment of UNMIK and KFOR (the UN and NATO).
These authorities are also responsible for cooperating in preparing the public to accept so-called provincial elections. The aim of these elections is to sanction ethnic cleansing and all the crimes carried out in Kosovo during the last two years.
It must be clear that the Serbian people would never accept this policy that injures its legitimate national and state interests, this policy executed through the cooperation between KFOR and UNMIK (read: NATO) and the Belgrade authorities, this policy that violates UN documents through fait accomplis. On this occasion we decisively condemn Haekkerup's "Constitutional Framework" as an attempt to legalese secession and the plan for creating a "Greater Albania." We condemn the so-called provincial elections, since the conditions that would make elections possible do not exist. The SPS calls upon Serbs, Roma, Gorani, Muslims as well as all other communities in Kosovo and Metohia not to accept the census and to boycott such elections, until everyone is guaranteed security, freedom of movement and the free and safe return of 360,000 expelled citizens. A political solution regarding autonomy may be reached only through political dialogue between the legitimate representatives of all ethnic communities.
What have we done during the past eleven years?
Faced with a blockade, with sanctions, with civil wars raging around us, with a million refugees on our territory, our Government of national unity above all protected the state and the freedom and dignity of the people. It protected all the most important natural, economic and human resources. It has not allowed the sell-off of our national wealth. It has managed to satisfy the basic needs of the population, the functioning of the economy and basic social services. Under these difficult conditions, our farmers have made an extraordinary contribution to fulfilling the basic needs of the population, even making it possible to export farm products.
From 1995 on, the Government intensified reforms, mobilized domestic resources, and strengthened cooperation with countries that refused to apply sanctions and started new industrial production. In the very midst of NATO's aggression, the process of reconstruction and renewal began. Our government, our people reconstructed or newly built more than 50 bridges. Free housing was provided for families whose homes were destroyed by NATO. A program to build 100,000 apartments for young couples and members of the army and police was begun. A program for the intensive employment of young, skilled workers was implemented.
By means of special measures and programs, the development of agriculture and the construction industry and exports were stimulated. Prices of foodstuffs, electricity, communal services and other basic needs were kept in harmony with the buying power of the population.
Such efforts were supported by the people in our Diaspora, for which we owe them recognition and thanks.
All this clearly shows that the policy conducted by the SPS was in harmony with its Program. This policy preserved the state and defended the freedom, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country and social justice. We did not wait for foreign "donations." It was clear to the Party that these rich "donors" are not rich because they give away; they are rich because they take. That's why the Party always tended towards co-operation and exchange only on the basis of mutual benefit. Nothing else is real. Thanks to that policy we have had the highest economic growth rate and highest living standards in our neighborhood. While during the period from 1995 to 2000, Eastern Europe had an average annual growth of 1,5 % of gross national product, our country achieved 5 to 7 %.
All these efforts and results drew on the energy and political and diplomatic understanding of Slobodan Milosevic, founder and president of the SPS.
After the coup d'etat on the 5th of October, in which the national Assembly and Serbian Broadcasting Corporation were set ablaze, our party and membership were exposed to pressures and persecution never before seen in the political history of Serbia. Several hundred members of the SPS have been imprisoned and a large number have been brought before politically motivated trials. By means of surprise attacks, crisis committees and the abuse of workers, 20,000 managers of enterprises, banks, power production and distribution companies, education, cultural, health care, transportation and state administration facilities were removed overnight. The so-called DOS usurped local authorities in 20 municipalities where SPS had in fact won the elections.
The abduction and arrest of SPS president Slobodan Milosevic on March 31st and then his abduction on June 28th, St. Vitus Day, and his extradition to the Hague 'Tribunal,' represent the height of violent lawlessness.
Many facts regarding the extradition of Slobodan Milosevic are widely known. The immediate and especially the near future will complete that knowledge and also allow a complete assessment of the goals and consequences of this criminal act.
Already three things can be stated.
First, the acts of seizing Milosevic and turning him over to The Hague do not have local or regional motives and goals.
Second, these motives and goals are not related to law and justice; rather, they are political.
And third, this kidnapping will neither in the short nor long term end the crisis in Yugoslavia and the Balkans.
Rather, this dangerous criminal act will lead to the deepening of mistrust and the continuation of the mistakes of the so-called international community, with unforeseen consequences.
Slobodan Milosevic is not only the founder and president of the Socialist Party of Serbia, one of the strongest political parties in the Balkans, but also has been the president of the Republic of Serbia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia for many years. For Serbian people and for the greater part of contemporary mankind, Slobodan Milosevic is a leader in the struggle for a just cause, both on the national and international levels. He is a symbol of resistance to hegemonism and domination, a leader that unified the whole nation against NATO aggression and contributed towards exposing NATO's second, hidden face, completely different from the aims proclaimed in its founding act. Crimes committed by NATO in the course of the 78 days it bombed all of Yugoslavia are known. Concerning those crimes, large, indestructible documentation exists.
Because of the clear facts about NATO's crimes, the so-called trial they are preparing, whose farcical beginning indicates how it will proceed, cannot fool most people. Virtually all Serbian people and a vast part of the real international community knows that this stage-managed affair aims to justify the crimes of NATO's leaders, especially the leaders of the former American administration, crimes against peace and humanity.
By putting Milosevic and other former leaders of Serbia and Yugoslavia on trial, the victim is being presented as the culprit. An attempt is being made to impose on all Serbian people the responsibility and lasting obligations for all that transpired in Kosovo and Metohia before, during and after the aggression, as well as for the violent secession of former Yugoslav republics and the consequences of the civil wars in Bosnia & Herzegovina and Croatia.
Such an approach represents the continuation of the aggression against Yugoslavia and the Serbian people by other but no less dangerous means. This is apparent due to the orchestrated demonization of the Serbian people. The demonization is now being conducted not only in the same international media that wholeheartedly justified the armed NATO aggression. It is also being broadcast in the so-called independent media in Belgrade.
All that is being done now was in essence seen beforehand and predicted and the real aims are known. The Serbian people will not be turned against itself. It will not take the side of those who treat it in a racist manner, who are breaking it up and transforming it into refugees, who killed Serbs, who destroyed their homes and sacred places, who poisoned their soil, their water and their air!
Not only did these new Belgrade authorities execute the criminal seizure and extradition of Slobodan Milosevic, delivering him into the hands of the NATO executioners. Not only did they trample the Constitution and laws of Serbia and Yugoslavia. But they chose to commit this crime on June 28th, thus desecrating Vidovdan, St. Vid's Day, the Serbs' most sacred symbol. This confirmed the belief that the kidnapping was carried out to humiliate the Serbian people, whose self-respect has been toughened through centuries of struggle. The fact that for this treason the authorities say they were promised some kind of money only strengthens the disgust, condemnation and loathing among ordinary people, whose exceptional sense of morality and dignity have not died away despite exceptional misery. Indeed, the morality and dignity of the people has grown stronger.
All that the Belgrade authorities have done to the people has strengthened the belief that with DOS there can be no future. These authorities have crossed the Rubicon of what can be endured. It is hard to imagine anything that can save them now, certainly not some so-called donations.
Whether West and East understand this reality we shall soon find out.
What else is to be said about the fruits of the rule of the DOS authorities?
People have realized that DOS is a notorious NATO swindle. DOS abused the citizens' desire for change. People voted to live better, but today they live far worse than a year ago.
The new authorities are not interested in production but only in covering their budget through higher taxes.
Industrial production is 10% lower than before. In the factories, four out of five machines stand silent.
Everything is enormously expensive. The only thing we've gotten from Europe is its prices. By removing customs protections for domestic industries and food production our manufacture has been suffocated, and the market has been given to foreign manufacturers. Unemployment and social misery are spreading. One million people are unemployed. Two million of our people live just this side of survival. The sell-off of our factories, mines and infrastructure to foreign speculators has been prepared. The economic sovereignty of our country is being betrayed.
Those are the results of the much-heralded 'reforms' of DOS.
DOS halted the reconstruction of the country, because such reconstruction offended their masters by recalling NATO's crimes of destruction.
Today, more than ever, our young people are going abroad to seek employment.
Tuitions have been imposed on high school. Enormous tuitions have been imposed at universities. In science and culture, in publishing, in the media and in institutes those who are 'politically acceptable' dominate.
The new authorities say they value expertise and professionalism. That does not prevent them from appointing people who are untrained and unable to perform basic duties to ministerial, managerial and diplomatic posts. For these rulers, the Supreme principles are obedience, membership in the 'right' parties and nepotism.
Unprecedented pressure is being applied to the judiciary as well as Orwellian control of the media. Judges are exposed to the most severe pressures and blackmail. If they do not hand down the decisions DOS desires they lose their jobs. If they lose the jobs, they are forbidden to practice law as attorneys, their only profession.
The total redistribution of our country's foreign policy interests is carried out in such a way that these are completely surrendered to the West, e.g. NATO. In the politics of the country, Anglo-Saxon and German factors dominate, while each has its direct proponents in the top leadership of the state. Relations with other countries, especially with those who extended support, cooperation and solidarity to our country and people when it was most difficult, are completely forsaken or reduced to a mere formality.
At the same time these authorities are preparing the internationalization of autonomism and separatism in Vojvodina. It seems that what is apparent and completely clear to every sane person is not clear or known to the highest representatives of DOS.
The state is facing disintegration. People do not know who is ruling the country. The Constitution and laws are simply not applied.
The President of the federal state, Vojislav Kostunica, astonishes the Yugoslav and foreign publics by claiming he was not informed about fateful decisions. He publicly asserts that a coup d'etat has been executed by the republican Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic, but that does not prevent Kostunica from sitting with Djindjic at the same table immediately after said coup, and cooperating with him as if nothing had happened. As if a coup d'etat is an everyday occurrence in democracies. Prime Minister Djindjic publicly admits that he has usurped the domain of the Federal State. He only complains in the German 'Die Spiegel' that, while he did 'honestly' what was requested of him the West is late with the promised payments!
President Kostunica and Prime Minister Djindjic are publicly contesting who would have personal control over the Army of Yugoslavia (AoY). Some leaders of DOS are trying to dismantle AoY, to weaken it and its morale since that is NATO's wish. They are confronting the Army and police. They are threatening a new wave of political persecution and more extraditions of our citizens to NATO.
It is clear that such authorities may not suffer a long existence. Even those who financed and organized DOS did not plan to keep them around for long. But, for the citizens of this country the question is: what shall remain of the country, of the state and of our economic resources after such authorities leave? What will new authorities have left at their disposal?
The SPS is a party of free, creative and courageous people, organized on the ideas of social justice, multiparty parliamentary democracy, mixed economy, freedom and equality. Within the Party and its leadership there is much room for different opinions, especially on methods of implementing the program's options.
Of course, full internal democracy in working out political positions requires total party discipline and responsibility for public confirmation and implementation of agreed-on political positions. All members are subject to such Party discipline, especially leaders of the SPS. This basic principle is important to any political party in all conditions. When applied to a Party like the SPS, that by its program covers the entire political space from the center to the far left, to a Party that is exposed to political persecution never before recorded in the political history of Serbia, then the strengthening of unity and the honoring of party discipline has the greatest and most fateful importance. Our unity shall grow from strength to strength in relation to strengthening the Party's activities based on implementing our Program's options.
From time to time in the public the idea that it is necessary to change the SPS Program is put forward. It is presented in the form of 'well intentioned" suggestions, advocacy of 'respect for new realities', 'modernization', 'engaging with' the private sector, with the intelligentsia, with the youth, and so on. Actually, the real motives of such 'well intentioned' theses and suggestions lie somewhere else.
Allow me, in respect of this, to refresh your memory on one position from the SPS Program:
This is why the SPS was and remains a strong political party widely accepted in all social structures and among all generations. Its influence and importance have grown because general developments within the last ten months have caused even deeper concern among the vast majority of citizens regardless of their political views, their age, or the party to which they might belong.
It should be noted at this point that when our opponents say the SPS should change its Program, they say so because they are conscious of the strong historical foundations of our party. That bothers them. They know that these foundations are rooted in the freedom-loving and humanist spiritual traditions of our people. They are rooted in the more than two centuries of development of socialist thought in Europe and Serbia, but also in today's concrete circumstances.
When some of our comrades say the Program should be changed, that indicates that they do not understand what in the historical sense is most advantageous for our Party. For their sake and the sake of the general public, it should be clearly stated what programmatic and political potentials of our Program have not been sufficiently utilized and what programmatic oversights have now mostly been overcome.
Why exactly have our people and our party become the target of the most brutal, most illegal and most dishonorable methods of contemporary imperial policy?
Above all because we implemented in an authentic manner democratic and economic reforms. We were first in Eastern Europe to commence with reforms. However, we worked in the interest of our people, and not neo-colonial power centers. In the late 1980s we took power away from the corrupted elements who had lost touch with the people. During the 5th of October putsch, these same elements, dregs of the old League of Communists who had betrayed its basic principles, came back to power either directly or through their children, anxious to regain their never-forgotten privileges and commissions and to impose authoritarian rule by means of lawlessness, crime and treason.
By defending national dignity and sovereignty, by defending what are in fact the most progressive European principles, as embodied in its Program, the Socialist Party of Serbia has led the nation along the only possible path. This is the path of preserving and developing economic potential as the basis for social justice and spiritual development, to renew and develop integrative connections with our neighbors.
In that way we would enter the European Home, not the pantry in the European economic courtyard.
The SPS has not had problems in its Program or in its basic political organization, but in the practical implementation of its Program.
Our program opposes the transformation of the economic and financial power of any individuals into political power. First, a Party of the Left, born of the people, should not allow arrogant and immodest displays by its better-off members. Secondly, the party and government, once we regain it, should not be influenced by careerists, profiteers and those who seek shelter from the storm, nor give power to forces without popular support.
These are lessons we have learned quite well. Those who put their personal interests over the general good have either left our Party and joined the powers-that-be to preserve their fortunes or else we ourselves have removed them. To them and others that would wish to emulate them, there is no longer a place in the Socialist Party of Serbia. In addition, we have decided that we shall finally dispense with ill-founded pre-election coalitions. Every party should have power only in proportion to its real popular support.
The position of the SPS was and remains clear: the preservation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, as a sovereign and independent state, a community of equal citizens and republics of Serbia and Montenegro, is an expression of their historical interests, the precondition of their independence and modern economic development. Struggle against separatism, terrorism and organized international crime, and a stronger drive for regional economic integration are unthinkable without the preservation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
The last 10 months of totalitarianism, lawlessness, persecution and darkness, though difficult, have helped our party in many respects.
We understood where we were mistaken and also where our unused potentials lie.
We paid the price of opportunism towards those who were with us only for their own benefit because the SPS was in power.
We understand the importance of daily contacts with the people and respect for their desires.
Enriched with this knowledge and experience the SPS shall strengthen its relations with all the social strata acting as a factor of unity that contributes creativity, wisdom, energy and Úlan for the benefit of general progress. Openness and responsibility shall be expressed above all towards the membership and sympathizers who stood fast with the policy and Program of the SPS when this was most difficult. At the same time that shall be the most important criteria in selecting nominees for electoral lists.
We owe it to the young, not only in words, but in practice also to give them much wider possibilities for participation and influence in the Party's life. They earned that by their contribution in affirming our policy and defending its values as well as in the protests that have taken place within the last few months.
The Federal Government fell because of the violation of the state's Constitution and laws. The SPS deems that in the new Government there should not be a place for those directly responsible for the unconstitutional decree on extradition.
Expressing the mass requests of the citizens of Serbia, the SPS demands the resignation of the republican Government that is responsible for the violation of the Constitution of Yugoslavia and Serbia, of the decision of the Federal Constitutional Court, for usurpation of authority that does not belong to it, for the abduction and extradition of Slobodan Milosevic to NATO.
Elections must not be delayed further.
No one should interfere with new elections - not the US, nor the EU nor Soros nor similar forces.
The many difficulties we have endured and struggled with have made us stronger. We are facing old and new difficulties, challenges and new possibilities.
If the SPS has been a support for Serbia and Yugoslavia in defence of the state, of freedom and of social justice up to now, then the SPS shall be even more needed in the future, exactly because those basic values are even more jeopardized.
In the coming period it is our duty to pay much more attention to the analysis of economic and social problems and to spreading SPS influence among workers, the people who suffer most due to such problems.
Issues involving agriculture and rural areas must be approached in a more organized manner, a manner befitting the Party that has always had its greatest support in rural areas.
The intelligentsia is a natural support for the SPS as a widely based, open Party with a Left orientation. Even though daily more and more intellectuals - scientific, cultural and public workers - accept and support our positions on actual issues, our actions and have the same positions regarding the future of the state and the people, we have to contribute much more to fully activate that potential support.
People's energy, stimulated by mass protests, has to be maintained. The ideas and requests of people's rallies must be even more decisively affirmed and struggled for via parliamentary caucuses, the media, and through international contacts.
Above all this applies to persistence in demanding that responsibility be established for those who violated the Constitution, laws, moral and international rules in connection with the abduction of President Slobodan Milosevic. The vast majority of Yugoslav people also demand the abolition of the Hague Tribunal as an extended hand of NATO. At the same time, this is a demand of the international public and especially scientific, cultural and legal professionals.
For crimes in Yugoslavia the address is NATO, not the defenders of freedom!
Whatever the intention of its master, until the Hague 'Tribunal' is abolished it will be a stage on which the conquering, Imperial nature of NATO exposes itself.
The Socialist Party of Serbia calls upon all citizens, all democratic parties and organizations, all cultural and scientific institutions to demand early elections, free democratic life in the country, an end to dictatorship, a dignified entrance into the circle of free countries of Europe and the world, without protectorate and colonial servility, with belief in its own spiritual strength and economic and creative potentials.
Our Party has strength, decisiveness and enough expert cadres to contribute towards such a perspective for Serbia and Yugoslavia.
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.icdsm.com/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan Milosevic)
1) 'Reichstag Fire Trial, the Sequel,' by Jared Israel. A report on Slobodan Milosevic's appearance at NATO's 'Tribunal.' At http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/point1.htm
2) 'NATO Deliberately Triggered an Environmental Catastrophe in Yugoslavia,' by Michel Chossudovsky at http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/chuss/willful.htm
3) 'The Treason of Vojislav Kostunica,' by Richard Hugus, Chris Black and Jared Israel at http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/treas.htm
4) 'We Accuse: Washington's Aid Promises Are A Traitorous Lie!' SPS' biting critique of supposed Western promises of 'aid' at http://emperors-clothes.com/docs/fools.htm
URGENT APPEAL! 19 JULY
TO THOSE WHO HAVE DONATED TO OUR FUNDRAISING APPEAL - THANK YOU!
BUT EMPEROR'S CLOTHES STILL URGENTLY NEEDS HELP!
The George Soros Foundation does not fund Emperor's Clothes. Our only source of money is people like you. All contributions help.
Our work has expanded but our income has not kept pace. We are now several months behind on long distance and international phone bills, and other expenses as well.
All but local service has been turned off.
We have other big bills too, including for Lexis, our key research tool, and we are presently too strapped for cash to pay for things we need, such as a good laptop computer and some graphics software.
We use long distance and overseas calls for interviews (if we need a translator, this involves a three-way call) to consult with writers, to check the accuracy of information and sometimes to discuss articles being translated. We also use international calls to help write and edit articles for media besides Emperor's Clothes.
Using international long distance, we were able to stay in constant touch with the unarmed witnesses guarding Mr. Miloshevich's house when it was attacked March 28th and 29th. That is why you could read accurate news on Emperor's Clothes - the only honest reports available anywhere.
After the attack, by using international phone calls we were able to talk directly with people involved in the negotiations between Mr. Miloshevich and the current Serbian authorities. So we knew first hand that the 'NY Times' report that Mr. Miloshevich was suicidal during the talks was a lie.
Because we need to use the phone so much, our bills are well over a thousand dollars a month. Now our long distance and international service has been turned off because we owe almost $5000. We are in danger of losing phone service altogether. In addition, we owe over $1500 to Lexis, a key research tool, which allows us to check the accuracy of newspaper excerpts and quotes over the past 20 years.
If everyone who cares about Emperor's Clothes chips in, we'll be out of trouble in no time.
If everyone chips in - $20, $50, $100 or $1000 - we'll be out of danger in no time.
Here's how you can help...
1 - The easiest and most reliable way - Call us any time at (USA) 617-916-1705 and we will take your credit card information over the phone.
2 - OR use our secure server at https://emperor.securesites.com/transactions/index.php
3 - Or mail us a check - to Emperor's Clothes, P.O. Box 610-321, Newton, MA 02461-0321. (USA)
If you mail a donation or make one by secure server, please let us know by email at email@example.com, just to make sure we get it. Thanks!
Thank you for reading Emperor's Clothes.